umu.sePublications
Change search
Refine search result
12345 1 - 50 of 248
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf
Rows per page
  • 5
  • 10
  • 20
  • 50
  • 100
  • 250
Sort
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
Select
The maximal number of hits you can export is 250. When you want to export more records please use the 'Create feeds' function.
  • 1.
    Alldén, Susanne
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Amer, Ramses
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The United Nations and peacekeeping: Lessons learned from Cambodia and East Timor2007Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The United Nations’ role in securing peace and promoting democracy has developed in the post-Cold War Era. Only a few of the Unite Nations peacekeeping missions undertaken since 1989 have been deployed in Asia. However, two of the more ambitious operations have been carried out in Asia, namely in Cambodia in the early 1990s and in East Timor in the late 1990s. Both these operations had mandates that provided the United Nations with the possibility to control the national institutions in peace building attempts; i.e. cases of international administrations. In Cambodia the United Nations carried out its most ambitious operation to that date and the mission undertaken in East Timor was the most extensive and expensive peace building attempted by the United Nations. As such, both operations have served as ‘blueprints’ for future United Nations missions.

    The paper will study these two cases in-depth, looking specifically at what lessons can be learned, from the mandates, the contexts, the challenges encountered during the operations, and the outcomes. What problems and possibilities can be identified based on how the operations were initiated, planned and implemented?

  • 2.
    Amer, Ramses
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sino-Vietnamese relations2004In: Asian security and China 2000-2010 / [ed] K. Santhanam, Srikant Kondapalli, Delhi: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Dehli, and SHIPRA Publications , 2004, 269-276 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 3.
    Amer, Ramses
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sino-Vietnamese relations2004In: Southeast Asia A historical encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor: vol. III: R-Z, ABC-Clio, Santa Barbara, California; Denver Colorado; London , 2004, 1212-1216 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 4.
    Amer, Ramses
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Sahovic, Dzenan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    The Legitimacy of the United Nations in the Wake of Non-Authorised Military Interventions2007Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The main aim of aim this study is to analyse the challenges faced by the United Nations in its involvement in countries that have been targeted by foreign military interventions that have not been authorised by the Security Council of the United Nations. The study does not examine the patterns of reaction to military intervention as such. Instead, the focus is on the United Nations’ response to the outcome of the military interventions at two main levels. The first is at the level of the Security Council and the decisions taken there on the nature and scope of the involvement of the United Nations in the post-intervention developments in the target state. The second level is the level of the target state and the challenges that the United Nations may face in carrying a given mission. A core dimension addressed in the study is how the United Nations’ responds to demands that it involves itself in situation resulting from actions that it had not authorised beforehand. Another dimension is the question of the legitimacy of the United Nations on the ground in the target state of the intervention. The later is of particular relevance when there is armed resistance to the intervening forces.

  • 5. Andersson, Kristin
    et al.
    Straarup, Jørgen
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Department of historical, philosophical and religious studies.
    Jämställdhet på jobbet: implementeringsanalys av Jämvägens 3:e R inom AMV Norrbotten2001Book (Other academic)
  • 6.
    Andersson, Therese
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    En gemensam europeisk skogspolitik?: En integrationsteoretisk studie av ett politikområde på tillväxt2007Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation examines efforts to integrate a “new” policy sector – forest and forestry – into the European Union (EU). There is currently no legal foundation for a common forest policy and some member states (not least Sweden), as well as parts of the forestry sector, have been strongly opposed to one. At the same time, administrative units and structures within the EU have been created and they and some member states have promoted a common policy. This raises the question how can we understand and explain this?

    The purpose of this dissertation is to problematise, map and analyse mainly Swedish actors’ attitudes to efforts to create a common forest policy within the EU. The study is based on neofunctionalism, which is a classic theory of integration, but it uses newer theorising (from intergovernmentalism and modern versions of neofunctionalism) to address some of the weaknesses of the approach.

    I investigate the role, preferences and strategies of the main actors. This includes EU institutions and member states. I also map European industry interests and other associations, interest groups and active networks and study their role in the process. In these multi-national settings, I pay particular (although not exclusive) attention to their Swedish members. Within Sweden, I examine how governmental and non-governmental forest actors behave vis-à-vis the EU.

    The empirical investigation shows that some of Swedish actors, for example the private forest owners’ organisation and forest industries associations, have change their preferences and strate gies over time. They have come to believe that whether they like it or not, other policy areas affect forest and forestry both directly and indirectly. Because of this, they now take the position that it is better to promote a limited European forest policy rather than remaining aloof and risk the creation of a much more comprehensive and centralised policy. At the same time (and for now at least), the Swedish government and most party politicians remain opposed to any attempt to formalise a forest policy within the EU.

    This study contributes new knowledge about how new policy areas become integrated within EU, including knowledge about the roles that different actors can have in such processes. The results are of interest to researchers, decision makers and the interested public. They can also influence thinking about Sweden’s influence in, and relation to, EU forest policy.

    Based on the empirical results, my theoretical conclusion is that organised interests have an important role in the integration process. The integration process of forest and forestry is not driven by one actor, but by many different actors, who operate on different levels and who have different interests.

    This study shows that forest and forestry-related questions have come to the EU, and they will remain there. The important question for the future is not if there will be some kind of European level policy on forest and forestry, but rather what form European policy will take.

  • 7.
    Arvidsson, Alf
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Department of culture and media studies.
    Political Rock2016In: Popular Music, ISSN 0261-1430, E-ISSN 1474-0095, Vol. 35, no 3, 436-438 p.Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 8.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Politiska partier2005In: EU och Sverige: ett sammanlänkat statsskick / [ed] Magnus Blomgren, Torbjörn Bergman, Stockholm: Liber , 2005, 58-78 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 9.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    When median-legislator theory fails: the Swedish Greens in 1998 and 20022011In: Puzzles of Government Formation: Coalition Theory and Deviant Cases / [ed] Rudy W. Andeweg, Lieven De Winter and Patrick Dumont, London: Routledge , 2011Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 10. Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Blomgren, Magnus
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Political Parties in Multi-Level Polities: The Nordic Countries Compared2013 (ed. 1)Book (Refereed)
  • 11. Baker, Susan
    et al.
    Eckerberg, Katarina
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Combining old and new governance in pursuit of sustainable development2008In: Pursuit of sustainable development: New governance practices at the sub-national level in Europe, New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group , 2008, 208-211 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 12. Baker, Susan
    et al.
    Eckerberg, Katarina
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    In pursuit of sustainable development at the sub-national level: the 'new' governance agenda2008In: In pursuit of sustainable development: New governance practices at the sub-national level in Europe, New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group , 2008, 1-26 p.Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 13.
    Baranowska, Anna
    et al.
    Warsaw School of Economics.
    Piętka-Kosińska, Katarzyna
    Center for Social and Economic Research.
    Poland2011In: The Last Safety Net: A Handbook of Minimum Income Protection in Europe / [ed] Thomas Bahle, Vanessa Hubl and Michaela Pfeifer, Policy Press, 2011Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 14.
    Berg Johansson, Emmelie
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Palm, Jennifer
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Super PAC's: Hur ska de förstås?2012Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Följande studie handlar om Super PAC’s och hur de ska förstås, utifrån teorierna pluralismen och elitismen. Studien ämnade finna svaret på denna fråga genom att studera amerikanska tidningsartiklar. Att det var amerikansk media som fick bidra med det empiriska materialet kom sig av att det är i USA som Super PAC’s verkar. Genom användandet av en kvalitativ innehållsanalys så söktes det efter meningsenheter i det insamlade empiriska materialet, därefter följde en kategorisering utefter de valda teoriernas grundantaganden. Resultatet lyfter fram det faktum att Super PAC’s kan förstås som både positivt och negativt för den politiska processen. Vilken syn individen har på fenomenet kan bero både på ens politiska tillhörighet och på vilket teoretiskt ramverk studien utgår ifrån. Super PAC’s är så pass komplext att det är många olika faktorer som spelar in i tolkningen av organisationerna.    

  • 15. Berg, Linda
    et al.
    Blomgren, Magnus
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Lewander, Jakob
    EU-skeptikernas frammarsch: valet till Europaparlamentet 20142014Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    I slutet av maj 2014 hölls för åttonde gången direktval till Europaparlamentet och väljare i 28 medlemsstater gick till valurnorna. Trenden med stadigt sjunkande valdeltagande stannade av och närmare 43 procent av väljarna röstade. Som Mark Franklin visade i en Sieps-publikation inför valet förklaras trenden med sjunkande valdeltagande till stor del av att EU har utvidgats och att de medlemsstater som tillkommit har haft ett lägre valdeltagande än de som har varit medlemmar en tid. Därför är den brutna trenden kanske inte så förvånande.

    Valkampanjen bedrevs i en kontext där den ekonomiska krisen alltjämt påverkade EU starkt. Även om eurozonen gradvis har stabiliserats, är effekterna av krisen alltjämt tydliga. Resultatet återspeglar en reaktion hos väljarna som vi känner igen från tidigare Europaparlamentsval, där större partier, i synnerhet i regeringsställning, gör sämre ifrån sig än vid nationella val. Konsekvensen den här gången blev att den politiska “mitten” tappade och flankerna i det framväxande europeiska partisystemet växte. De EU-kritiska partierna fick stor uppmärksamhet under valrörelsen och valresultaten kan delvis tolkas som en protest mot EU, även om det finns skillnader mellan medlemsstaterna och vilka uttryck kritiken tar sig. De politiska majoritetsförhållandena och utvecklingen inom partigrupperna analyseras i den här publikationen av Magnus Blomgren.

    I Sverige var valkampanjen intensiv och det påföljande riksdagsvalet hade sannolikt en roll i det. Två nya partier, Feministiskt initiativ och Sverigedemokraterna, lyckades vinna mandat medan Piratpartiet inte lyckades upprepa succén från 2009 och tappade sina mandat. Det svenska resultatet analyseras här av Linda Berg.

    Texterna i den här publikationen utgörs främst av bearbetningar av bidrag vid seminariet Valet är över – vad händer nu? som arrangerades i Stockholm den 28 maj. Det är min förhoppning att Sieps därmed ska kunna bidra till fördjupad förståelse för Europaparlamentsval och parlamentets funktionssätt.

    Jörgen Hettne Tillförordnad direktör

  • 16.
    Berggren, Lena
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Historical Studies.
    Swedish Fascism - Why bother?2004In: Fascism, Routledge, London & New York , 2004Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 17.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Constitutional rules and party goals in coalition formation: an analysis of winning minority governments in Sweden1995Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This study starts with two theoretical puzzles within the rational choice oriented literature on government formation in parliamentary democracies: the relative importance of constitutional rules and the existence of multiple party goals. From these puzzles stem the research questions that guide the study: First, what is the theoretical and empirical link between constitutional arrangements (including rules) and party goals? Second, what are the goals of political parties and how can these be studied? Third, relative to the goals of political parties and other constitutional arrangements, what is the importance of government formation rules for the empirical record of minority and majority governments?Coalition theory provides the theoretical starting point from which the research questions stem. The historical-institutional strand of new institutionalism is used to guide the general understanding of the importance of institutional context. The rational choice oriented strand is used for a detailed study of the design of the Swedish government formation rules and an analysis of how the formation rules affect the goal seeking (micro-logic) of actors.Based on both cross-national data and an in-depth study of Swedish coalition and government formation, the analysis shows that the answer to research question number one is that the link between constitutional arrangements and party goals is one of co-determination. The answer to research question number two is that party leaders pursue four main goals and that this should be an explicit model assumption. The answer to research question number three is that the government formation rules help determine the parties' bargaining positions and for that reason they are of significant importance for the formation of minority and majority governments.

  • 18.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Internationella samarbeten och stora databaser2010In: Kontraster och nyanser: Svensk statsvetenskap i brytningstid / [ed] Magnus Jerneck och Björn Badersten, Lund: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift , 2010, no 5, 645-653 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 19.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Parlamentarism2016In: Svensk författningspolitik / [ed] Ingvar Mattson & Olof Petersson, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2016, 4, 137-152 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 20.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Why minority governments work: multilevel territorial politics in Spain : by Bonnie N. Field, New York, Palgrave MacMillan, 2016, 261 pp.2016In: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 39, no 6, 1346-1347 p.Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 21.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Bäck, Hanna
    Lunds universitet.
    The Parties in Government Formation2016In: The Oxford Handbook of Swedish Politics / [ed] Jon Pierre, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016, 1, 206-223 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 22.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Gerberg, Elisabeth R
    Kastner, Scott
    Nyblade, Benjamin
    The empirical study of coalition governance2008In: Cabinets and coalition bargaining: The democratic life cycle in Western Europe / [ed] Kaare Strøm, Wolfgang C Müller and Torbjörn Bergman, Oxford: Oxford University Press , 2008Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 23.
    Bergström, Sten Ove
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Kolonisationen på kronoparkerna i Norrbotten 1894-19501979Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 24.
    Bjärstig, Therese
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sandström, Camilla
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Lindqvist, Sara
    SLU.
    Kvastegård, Emma
    SLU.
    Partnerships implementing ecosystem-based moose management in Sweden2014In: International Journal of Biodiversity Science, Ecosystem Services & Management, ISSN 2151-3732, E-ISSN 2151-3740, Vol. 10, no 3, 228-239 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Sweden is undergoing an extensive transformation from single species management towards ecosystem-based management. This study analyses the implementation of the new moose management system, focusing on the newly formed partnerships at ecosystem level (the moose management areas) and their potential to ease conflicts between participants and develop into sustainable collaborations that enable ecosystem-based management. Empirical evidence was obtained from semi-structured interviews with involved actors (hunters, landowners, wildlife managers and forest consultants) in five Swedish counties. Several challenges, based on the participants’ abilities, willingness and understanding needed to implement the new management system, were identified. Lack of funding, unclear roles and responsibilities appear to be the most serious issues. If these are not properly solved, then they have the potential to hamper and aggravate the implementation of the new management system, that is, the ecosystem-based management, as well as the partnership arrangement.

  • 25.
    Blomgren, Magnus
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Cross-Pressure and Political Representation in Europe: A comparative study of MEPs and the intra-party arena2003Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation explores political representation and its manifestation within the European Union (EU). The main purpose is to examine the representative roles of Members of the European Parliament (MEP) in the context of cross–pressure between the national level and the EU level. This involves an analysis of how the MEPs under-stand their roles, how they organize their work, and how they have voted in the European Parliament (EP) in 1999-2002. It also includes a study of how national party organizations adapt to the EU environment and how this influences the MEPs link to the national arena. The study is based on various sources, such as interviews, formal documents and voting data.

    The most under-researched part of the cross-pressure has been the national link and the empirical focus of the thesis is on that link. It is a comparative study of parties in Ireland, the Netherlands and Sweden. In each country, three parties were selected (social democratic, right-wing and green parties). By using a focused comparative method, and by controlling for certain independent variables, the ambition is to go beyond description and identify explanations for why MEPs adopt certain roles.

    The overall picture that emerges is of a relatively weak link between MEPs and the national level. To a certain extent, MEPs express frustration over their limited role in the national arena and over the lack of input from the national arena in their work at the European level. Most of the parties struggle to include MEPs in their organizational set-up, and the MEPs experience a growing hostility within the parties toward them. In general, the lack of interest and knowledge in the national arena, concerning the EU in general and specifically the work of the MEPs, obscures the role of the MEPs. They become EU ambassadors at the national level, rather than elected representatives at the EU level.

    The dissertation also tests variables that are thought to influence MEPs’ roles: the type of electoral system, popular opinion on EU issues, whether their party is in government, the party’s ideological heritage, and if the party organizes more advanced coordination mechanisms. The main result is that the working assumption that MEPs are influenced by characteristics in the national arena is shown to be largely correct. That is, some of the identified aspects of the national political context do influence how the MEPs understand their roles. For example, the character of the electoral system influences attitudes among the MEPs. However, that relationship is not as simple and straightforward as much of the literature suggests. Rather, the results in this study suggest that the most important aspect of the relationship between the national level and the MEPs is whether parties or others (such as national parliamentarians) actively engage in the work of the MEPs. It matters how parties design the relationship between the levels, especially for how and where MEPs direct their main attention, but also in terms of how MEPs vote in the EP. The conclusion emphasizes the importance of further research into how parties facilitate the link between the national and the EU level.

  • 26.
    Blomgren, Magnus
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    De politiska partierna och författningen2011In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 113, no 3, 271-290 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this article is to study how Sweden’’s political parties handled the processof constitutional review from 2004-2008. In particular the analysis examines howparties choose between their office-seeking, policy-seeking and vote-seeking goalsand the desire to maintain intra party agreement. Three expectations are identified: (a)parties’’ different strategic situations lead them to advocate different long-term goals;(b) different party levels will take different stands in order to increase their influencevis-a-vis other levels; (c) party leaderships will try to increase their freedom to negotiatewith others by avoiding extensive intra party debates or decisions. The study isbased on 30 interviews with representatives closely involved in the constitutional-reformprocess. The conclusion is that parties have self-interested goals as regards thequestion of how the political game should be regulated. The conflict between differentintra-party levels is also obvious. However, due to party members’’ disinterest inthe constitutional review, party leaders did not need to adopt a variety of strategies toavoid a large scale intra-party debate. It was enough for them to claim that the resultingcompromise was actually something of a victory for each party.

  • 27.
    Blomgren, Magnus
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Det röda Norrland och det blå Sverige2012In: Ett delat Norrland: på väg mot regioner? / [ed] Lidström, Anders, Umeå: Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Umeå universitet , 2012, 85-104 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 28.
    Blomgren, Magnus
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Political parties and the European Union2015In: Research methods in European Union studies / [ed] Lynggaard, Kennet, Manners, Ian & Löfgren, Karl, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015, 266-280 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The role of political parties in modern democracies is contested. Traditionally, parties have been associated with a number of functions and, especially in a western European context, given a more or less hegemonic role over the political process. However, the question of whether political parties actually have (or should have) this prominent role in modern democracies has long been debated. In this so-called party decline debate, a number of tendencies, such as voter de-alignment and membership decline, are used to indicate the less dominant role of political parties, and it is argued that their adaptive capacity is poor (Webb, 2002: 3). Even though some of the critical remarks regarding the future role of political parties are pertinent, the ambition of this chapter is not to judge in this debate. It is rather written with the assumption that political parties are (still) indispensable parts of representative democracy as we know it, and if political parties fail to integrate the political system, express demands, represent various views and identify political leaders, democracy will lose in the end.

  • 29.
    Blomgren, Magnus
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Rozenberg, Olivier
    Science Po (Paris).
    Introduction2012In: Parliamentary Roles in Modern Legislatures / [ed] Blomgren, Magnus and Rozenberg, Olivier, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2012, 1-7 p.Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 30.
    Blomgren, Magnus
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Rozenberg, Olivier
    Science Po (Paris).
    Legislative roles and legislative studies: the neo-institutional turning point?2012In: Parliamentary roles in modern legislatures / [ed] Magnus Blomgren, Olivier Rozenberg, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2012, 8-36 p.Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 31.
    Blomgren, Magnus
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Rozenberg, OlivierScience Po (Paris).
    Parliamentary Roles in Modern Legislatures2012Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 32.
    Bolin, Niklas
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Established parties and their measures against new parties: The case of Sweden2007Conference paper (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 33.
    Bolin, Niklas
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    How new parties shape their own fate: an actor-centered framework for analysis2010Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 34.
    Bolin, Niklas
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    New Party Entrance: Analyzing the Impact of Political Institutions2007Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Although research on new parties now is more common than just a couple of decades ago, we still lack a more general theory of when new parties manage to enter national parliaments for the first time. In this article I try to fill some of the gap in the literature by analyzing the impact of certain formal political institutions. Using a dataset made up of election results held in 18 West European countries between 1960 and 2005, some tentatively important political institutions are scrutinized. I find the electoral system is an important factor in the explanation of when new parties enter national parliaments. The impact of state subsidies to parties is, on the other hand, rather weak. This runs contrary to the cartel thesis, which implies that such subsidies serve to block the entrance of new parties. Overall, however, the institutional framework can provide only a partial explanation and can only be seen as one aspect of new party entrance. Socio-economic factors as well as actor-centred factors are other aspects with potential explanatory power.

  • 35.
    Brändström, Dan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Nomineringsförfarande vid riksdagsval: en studie av partiernas kandidatnomineringar inför 1970 års riksdagsval1971Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 36.
    Brännlund, Isabelle
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Sami Research.
    Ledman, Anna-Lill
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Sami Research.
    Löf, Annette
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Sami Research.
    Axelsson, Per
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Sami Research.
    Össbo, Åsa
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Centre for Sami Research.
    Rasbiologiskt språkbruk i statens rättsprocess mot sameby2015In: Dagens NyheterArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Statens hantering av forskningsresultat i rättsprocessen med Girjas sameby utgör ett hot mot Sverige som rättsstat och kunskapsnation. Åratal av svensk och internationell forskning underkänns och man använder ett språkbruk som skulle kunna vara hämtat från rasbiologins tid. Nu måste staten ta sitt ansvar och börja agera som en demokratisk rättsstat, skriver 59 forskare.

  • 37.
    Carbin, Maria
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    Det problematiska systerskapet: Purpurfärgen och postkolonial feminism2014In: Feminism i rörliga bilder / [ed] Katharina Tollin och Maria Törnqvist, Stockholm: Liber, 2014, 2, 116-143 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 38.
    Carbin, Maria
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mellan tystnad och tal: Flickor och hedersvåld i svensk offentlig politik2010Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines the contestations around the question of how violence against young women from ethnic minorities was articulated in Swedish public policy debates from 1995-2008. One core question investigated in this study is how the “new” problem of co called honour killings is categorised and understood within gender equality policies against violence and policies of immigrant integration. The thesis explores how different discourses compete and negotiate to make sense of the violence and try to stabilise meaning. Another aim of the thesis concerns the construction of available subject positions for young women, and the potential effects in terms of possibilities and restrictions for subjects to speak politically. The research material consists of parliamentary debates, major government documents, official government inquiries into integration and gender equality, as well as documents from the Swedish Integration Board and the County Administrative Boards. The analysis draws upon discourse theory and feminist postcolonial theory to explore what positions are made available to young women in policy discourses. Four competing discourses are identified: a multicultural discourse, a discourse of value-clashes, a discourse of structural discrimination and finally a gender power-discourse. However, in policies against honour related violence the violence is primarily understood as originating in a cultural and value-based heritage of certain immigrant communities. This study furthermore illustrates how girls are required to speak and make testimonies on their situation. The ways the stories of the girls are used make them into boundary markers between Swedish and non-Swedish. It is argued that letting the girls speak and listen to them might make it possible to understand some of the potential problems they face. Nevertheless, it might not form an agenda for changing the bigger political picture.

  • 39.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of applied educational science, Umeå Centre for Evaluation Research (UCER).
    Citizens governing schools: Customers, partners, right-holders2015Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Research questions, objectives and theoretical framework

    Throughout Europe, evaluation has expanded radically at all levels of school governance as part of the broad doctrine of New Public Management including marketization, decentralization and performance management. There is a growing accountability pressure derived from globalisation of education governance resulting in evaluation systems (Leeuw and Furubo 2008) of monitoring, inspection and oversight, and benchmarking to measure performance and assess students and teachers. Sweden and other countries’ education systems increasingly rely on evaluations of different kinds as ways to control and enhance quality and performance in education and schooling but also to support competition and school choice (Merki 2011; Pollitt and Bouckaert 2011; Dahler-Larsen 2012; Lingard and Sellar 2013; Grek and Lindgren 2014). Despite the recent recentralisation effects of evaluation systems local autonomy is still high. Actors at the municipal and school level have different conditions and varying freedom of choice for local school governance in different education systems. The local context matters in a variety of ways. Local actors can assimilate, adjust or resist state policies of for example marketization and use evaluations in different ways. 

    Evaluation systems put in place assumes that citizens are rational and active choosers using evaluation and accessible performance data for an informed choice  (Musset 2012). But research indicate that parents are primarily concerned with “the atmosphere”, “pedagogical climate”, “safety” and “reputation of the school” (Ehren, Leeuw and Scheerens 2005, p. 71). However, school choice has made parents a more powerful policy actor in local school governance (Blomqvist 2004). But not only school choice contributed to the shift from macro democracy to micro democracy (Möller 1996). So did different forms of voice options for improving participation and influence in citizens daily encounter with welfare services (Jarl 2005; Kristoffersson 2008; Dahlstedt 2009b; Holmgren et al. 2012). During the 1990s the emphasis on active citizenship and collaboration was viewed as a natural part of the democratic mission of the schools. The school should be an arena for dialogue forming an active local citizenship. Progress should be achieved from the bottom-up by those involved promoting the inclusion of parents in a form of partnership with the school (Jarl 2005; Dahlstedt 2009b). This multi-actor model of governance focusing on citizens’ agency reflect what has been called a ‘will to empower’ (Cruikshank 1999), ‘politics of activation’ (Dahlstedt 2009a) or ‘government technologies of agency’ (Dean 2010).

    Parents become a part of local school governance when they make choices, try to influence teachers, school-principals, schools administrators or local school boards. And their need of evaluation for this influence differs. Parents perceived as customers need easily accessible performance data to support informed school choice whereas parents acting as active and responsible citizens largely need the same evaluation knowledge as other policy actors. How local authorities, local school providers and schools govern their education and schooling through different forms of evaluation therefore shapes conceptions of citizenship. Studies on local policy, i.e. schools and school providers’ strategies and use of evaluation related information is scarce and there is a need for more knowledge on how it shapes citizen roles in different education systems. In this paper I therefore begin by exploring what ways are provided for parents as citizens, to influence, change and affect education in Sweden. I then turn to answer what evaluation related information is given on school and school provider websites to analyse what citizenship ideals are promoted using the categorisation developed from the channels for influence. I finish with discussing these forms of citizen power in education in relation to the more everyday encounter with teachers and school staff by drawing on previous research and interviews with parents and teachers.  

    Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used

    The material consists of government documents, reports, laws and regulation to explore the formal ways for parents to influence education. To explore what citizenship ideals are promoted in local school governance, I have analyzed four municipals websites and 8 school websites in these municipalities. The municipalities, all of which have populations of 75 000 – 100 000 have been selected strategically to reflect different contextual factors such as political majority, school performance, and share of independent schools. These have been anonymized and is referred to as “North”, “East”, “South” and “West”. The eight schools, two from each municipal, were also selected strategically on factors such as private or public provider, performance and socio-economic composition. By drawing on Hirschmans (Hirschman 1970) theory of exit and voice and Dahlberg and Vedungs (2001) categorisations of arguments for increased user orientation I categorize three different citizenship ideals when exploring formal ways for citizens to act and influence education in line with a politics of activation. These citizenship ideals functions as ideal types when analysing the websites and the evaluation and governance related information provided to (potential) users.

    To discuss citizen power in education and problematize how it relates to promoted citizenship ideals I draw on previous studies and research as well as interviews with parents and teachers at the schools. The interviews were conducted within the larger research project “Consequences of evaluation for school practice: steering, accountability and school development”, financed by the Swedish Research Council.

    Conclusions, expected outcomes or findings

    Preliminary findings show that there are several ways for parents to affect and influence education in Sweden. The school choice reforms have considerably improved the power of parents in local school governance positioning parents as costumers. But user power have also been strengthened through providing different ways to complain and appeal positioning citizens as right-holders. Furthermore users are positioned as partners in influencing education through parent boards. The analysis of the websites shows how municipalities respond differently to state policies and accountability pressures in their use of providing evaluation related information. Municipalities with a right-wing political majority provide extensive benchmarking systems for informed school choice making customer the dominant position. Not surprisingly, the independent schools provide more performance data for marketing than the public schools. However, some of the independent schools also provide information on their collaboration with parents, indicating a position of citizens as partners. The position of citizens as right-holders are strongest on the public schools and public providers’ websites with information on rights and ways to claim them.

    Still parents don’t use evaluation related information as intended. Rather parents use grades, tests and school information more informally directly with teachers and school staff. Teachers report an increased pressure from parents on grades and changes within school, and the threat of exit makes their voice options more viable in individual contacts with staff. At least if other alternatives are present. But there are also indications that collective voice options are not used, instead exit is chosen sometimes in combination with the individual voice option of complaints and appeals. The problem of recruiting parents for collective action in parent boards or associations and the increasing amount of individual problem solving action through appeals and complaints suggest that parents mainly govern schools through individual rather than collective action.

     

    References

    Blomqvist, P. 2004. The choice revolution: Privatization of swedish welfare services in the 1990s. Social Policy & Administration, 38, no. 2: 139-155.

    Cruikshank, B. 1999. The will to empower. Democratic citizens and other subjects.  Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

    Dahlberg, M., and E. Vedung 2001. Demokrati och brukarutvärdering.  Lund: Studentlitteratur.

    Dahler-Larsen, P. 2012. The evaluation society.  Stanford: Stanford University Press.

    Dahlstedt, M. 2009a. Aktiveringens politik. Demokrati och medborgarskap för ett nytt millenium.  Malmö: Liber.

    Dahlstedt, M. 2009b. Governing by partnerships: Dilemmas in swedish education policy at the turn of the millennium. Journal of Education Policy, 24, no. 6: 787-801.

    Dean, M. 2010. Governmentality. Power and rule in modern society.  Thousand Oaks: SAGE.

    Ehren, M. C. M., F. L. Leeuw, and J. Scheerens 2005. On the impact of the dutch educational supervision act: Analyzing assumptions concerning the inspection of primary education. American Journal of Evaluation, 26, no. 1: 60-76.

    Grek, S., and J. Lindgren Eds. 2014. Governing by inspection. London: Routledge.

    Hirschman, A. O. 1970. Exit, voice and loyalty. Responses to decline in firms, organizations and states.  Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

    Holmgren, M., O. Johansson, E. Nihlfors, and P. Skott 2012. Local school governance in sweden. Boards, parents and democracy. Journal of School Public Relations, 33, no. 1: 8-28.

    Jarl, M. 2005. Making user-boards a school in democracy? Studying swedish local governments. Scandinavian Political Studies, 28, no. 3: 277-294.

    Kristoffersson, M. 2008. Lokala styrelser med föräldramajoritet i grundskolan. Umeå universitet.

    Leeuw, F. L., and J.-E. Furubo 2008. Evaluation systems: What are they and why study them? Evaluation, 14, no. 2: 157-169.

    Lingard, B., and S. Sellar 2013. 'Catalyst data'. Perverse systemic effects of audit and accountability in australian schooling. Journal of Education Policy, 28, no. 5: 634-656.

    Merki, K. M. 2011. Special issue: Accountability systems and their effects on school processes and student learning. Studies in Educational Evaluation, 37, no. 4: 177-179.

    Musset, P. 2012. School choice and equity: Current poliices in oecd countries and a literature review. OECD Education Working Papers, , no. 66.

    Möller, T. 1996. Brukare och klienter i välfärdsstaten. Om missnöje och påverkansmöjligheter inom barn- och äldreomsorg.  Stockholm: Publica (Norstedts Juridik).

    Pollitt, C., and G. Bouckaert 2011. Public management reform. A comparative analysis: New public management, governance and the neo-weberian state.  New York: Oxford University Press.

  • 40.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Governing free choice in Swedish upper secondary education2012Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 41.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of applied educational science, Umeå Centre for Evaluation Research (UCER).
    Guardians of individual rights?: Media representation of the school Lundsberg vs the Swedish Schools Inspectorate2014In: The Past, the Present and the Future of Educational Research, 2014Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Research questions, objectives and theoretical framework

    Throughout Europe, governing education is increasingly influenced by different forms of evaluation systems including quality audits, ranking lists, evaluations and school inspection. After trends of decentralization, managerialism and marketization, re-regulation efforts have seen the light to hold education providers accountable, whether public or private (Ozga et al. 2011; Ehren et al. 2013). The politics of comparison and governing by numbers is particularly visible in the media, for example, the media regularly reports on international rankings of pupil results as well as inspection reports and complaints resulting in a complex audit-media relationship (Rönnberg, Lindgren and Segerholm 2013). The re-regulation of a far-reaching decentralized and marketized school system with publicly funded for-profit free schools makes Sweden a unique case with both its egalitarian and social democratic traditions combined with neo-liberal trends. The introduction of the new centralized agency The Swedish Schools Inspectorate (SSI) can be viewed in the light of increased emphasis on state control, evaluation and accountability. For the SSI issues of equivalence and the individual right of the student have been stressed. Issues of quality and equivalence has a tendency to be framed as a legal issue (Lindgren et al. 2012). This seems to reflect a process of juridification (Magnussen and Banasiak 2013). However, the sanctions available to the SSI have been limited. Not until the implementation of the reformed school act in 2011 did it have the means to impose fines or mandate to temporarily shut down schools, apart from withdrawing schools permits from free-schools. Studies have shown that an effective sanction available for the SSI, previously, has been media exposure (Rönnberg, Lindgren and Segerholm 2012).

    The interconnectedness of marketization, central stat control, juridification and mediatization can be explored in the case of the school Lundsberg vs the Inspectorate. Lundsberg is one of three free-schools that is allowed to have student fees, unlike other schools. It also receives specific state funding due to it being a boarding school for students with parents living abroad. The school has a long history previous to the introduction of school choice and free-schools in Sweden and is known as a school for a privileged elite. It has a long history of problems with bullying, abuse and initiations. This is what started the Inspectorates inspection in 2011 after a filed complaint. After a long process of inspection, the SSI end the inspection in spring 2013. However, when the school start again the same autumn one of the students were burnt with an iron. The SSI then closed the school and every student was sent home. This was a major media story. Lundsberg, however, appealed and the court ruled in the interest of the school as the actual event took place in the dormitory and not during school activities. The aim is to analyse this case as it is represented in the media with a focus on how student rights are framed and how the Inspectorate and the school is represented. By doing so I hope to facilitate a deeper discussion about juridification and mediatization in the European governance trends of marketization and audit. Theoretically, the analysis draws on literature in the field of the wider audit society (Power 1997; Dahler-Larsen 2012) and school inspection (Clarke 2008; Ozga et al. 2011) as well as literature on mediatization (Levin 2004; Lingard and Rawolle 2004; Strömbäck 2099). Mainly my interest lies in the aspect of governing and how it shapes our views on responsibility and rights, the relationship between individual and state as well as education and politics.

    Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used 

    In studying the media exposure, newspaper articles have been collected through a media storage database using keywords such as the name of the school, the name of the inspection agency, and words such as evaluation, inspection and control. Although media exposure is not confined to the printed press I argue that it will be sufficient for the projects explorative aim as it can give us interesting knowledge about the audit-media relationship in governing as well as juridification processes. Therefore, the empirical material consist mainly of articles in the printed national press. In addition, I have included material from the SSI and the court, in terms of decision reports, press releases and such. The analytic approach is informed by Foucault (1991) and the material have been carefully analysed with regards to a specific set of questions building on a problematizing approach. What is represented as the problem resulting in the shutdown of the school? How is the inspection process represented? How are the different actors involved represented? Who/what gets to speak? Who is made responsible? Whose interest is prioritized?

    Conclusions, expected outcomes or findings

    Preliminary findings show that while the SSI in the media coverage represent itself as the guardian of individual rights the position of the school, is to represent itself as the one guarding students right to continue their education. The media tends to represent SSI as a watchdog and as a legitimate state control when shutting down what is articulated as a traditionally elitist institution such as Lundsberg. On the other hand the SSI is represented as an illegitimate state control that practices collective punishment. Sanctioning the school should not interfere with other students right to their choice of education and school. Despite the court’s ruling in the interest of the school claiming that the shutdown was illegitimate, the SSI can be viewed as having no other choice in the matter. If the SSI had not acted it would likely have created an ‘expectations gap’ (Power 1997) of what the SSI’s mandate is in the public opinion and what it can actually achieve and control. This would limit the legitimacy for the agency and for governing education by inspections. Furthermore, the case shows some aspects of juridification (Magnussen and Banasiak 2013). This, I argue, can be interpreted by the framing of the issues of bullying, abuse and harassment as legal issues, the tendency to frame it as individual events and not structural or cultural, and the ruling of the court in terms of where the incident took place and the legal grounds for the SSI. 

  • 42.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of applied educational science, Umeå Centre for Evaluation Research (UCER).
    Gymnasieskolan i anställningsbarhetens tjänst2016In: Anställningsbarhet: Perspektiv från utbildning och arbetsliv / [ed] Gun Sparrhoff och Andreas Fejes, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2016, 2, 59-75 p.Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 43.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of applied educational science, Umeå Centre for Evaluation Research (UCER).
    Justice through school inspection?: Educational equity in Swedish schools2014Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper explores representations of high expectations for justice and equality in educational outcomes in the neo-liberal educational regime of individualisation, marketization and increased central state control. At the centre of the paper is a study of national school inspection reports and how they construct educational success or failure in relation to teachers’ high/low expectations and socio-political and school-market context and conditions. The paper focuses on constructions of accountability in terms of ‘the politics of blame’ (Thrupp 1998) and the role of social class, gender and race given school achievement in a Swedish educational system that for decades have emphasised universal welfare, justice and equality. However, the marketization of Swedish education since the 1990s, with school choice, competition and independent schools, seems to have pushed back issues of justice and equality.  In this light, increased state control through national school inspection can be seen as part of an audit explosion (Power 1997) where inspection is made the solution to several ‘problems’ in education, for instance, to allocate blame for the perceived school ‘crisis’ of decreasing results and equality. By drawing on the literature of marketization and the wider audit society, the paper explores equality and justice in embedded contexts.

    Methods

    A diverse case selection (Gerring 2007) of five municipalities has been made based on inspections in 2011/2012; geography; and municipal size in order to make sure some independent schools were included. From the five selected municipals, regular inspection reports of secondary municipal schools and secondary independent schools that provides year nine, have been analysed. This has resulted in inspection reports from a total of 127 schools, including 33 independent schools plus five municipal reports. In close readings of the texts focus has been placed on how different schools are represented, in what ways, if any, socio-political and school-market context and conditions is attended to and how different subjects are positioned in relation to articulations of justice, equality and achievement.

     Expected outcomes

    In the paper, I argue that by marginalising and not discussing issues of socio-political context or the impact that competition has on schools, accountability and blame remains individualised, downgrading ideas of equality and justice. Although, the representations and constructions of gender, social class and race are criticised in articulations of low expectations, the effort not to blame students, tend to ignore the structural aspects and resilience of racist and sexist discourse when individual teachers are meant to just raise their expectations. While educational gaps and equality in terms of gender are often discussed, differences in relation to social class are silenced. Social class seems to be racialized as the only legitimate argument for ‘failure’ is positioning the student group as ‘newly arrived immigrants’. This serves to legitimize and uphold the neo-liberal educational order of individualised blame, difference, hierarchy and competition. 

  • 44.
    Coe, Anna-Britt
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Medicine, Department of Public Health and Clinical Medicine.
    Vandegrift, Darcie
    Youth Politics and Culture in Contemporary Latin America: A Review2015In: Latin American Politics and Society, ISSN 1531-426X, E-ISSN 1548-2456, Vol. 57, no 2, 132-153 p.Article, review/survey (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Youth politics in contemporary Latin America diverge from those of previous generations. Increasingly decoupled from parties, unions, and the state, young people glide seamlessly across previously assumed boundaries: culture and politics, individual and organization, subjectivity and collectivity, virtual and real. This article presents findings from a systematic review of research on youth politics and demonstrates the new direction through three main categories: repression, incorporation, and exclusion, relationships between state institutions and youth identities; generational, cultural, and digital lenses, the innovative trends for theorizing current patterns of youth politics; and unsettling politics, the fusion and diffusion of youth political dexterity. The article concludes by highlighting current strengths and proposing future steps to build on this new direction.

  • 45.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Department of historical, philosophical and religious studies.
    GenEtica Reproducerii. Politici ale moralităţii şi moralitatea politicilor [The GenEthics of Reproduction. Policies of morality and the morality of policies]2007Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The book comprises three parts: (1) a general presentation and analysis of the main relevant concepts: bioethics, human genetic engineering, eugenics, disability and, particularly, of the relations between these; (2) the analysis of two documents of the Council of Europe (the so called “Bioethics Convention” and its first protocol), and the reconstruction of the debates surrounding their primary concerns: human dignity and rights in relation to the prospect of human genetic engineering; and (3) the analysis of a Romanian draft law on human assisted reproduction and of the Romanian legislative endeavours and debates regarding human genetic engineering.

  • 46.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Faculty of Political Science, National School of Political Studies and Public Administration, Bucharest, Romania / NSPSPA, Bucharest .
    Looking for the meaning of dignity in the bioethics convention and the cloning protocol2005In: Health Care Analysis, ISSN 1065-3058, E-ISSN 1573-3394, Vol. 13, no 4, 303-313 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper is focused on the analysis of two documents (the Council of Europe's Bioethics Convention and the Additional Cloning Protocol) inasmuch as they refer to the relationship between human dignity and human genetic engineering. After presenting the stipulations of the abovementioned documents, I will review various proposed meanings of human dignity and will try to identify which of these seem to be at the core of their underlying assumptions. Is the concept of dignity proposed in the two documents coherent? Is it morally legitimate? Is it, as some might assume, of Kantian origin? Does it have any philosophical roots?

  • 47.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Department of Philosophy, University of Gothenburg.
    On a Romanian attempt to legislate on medically assisted human reproduction2008In: Bioethics, ISSN 0269-9702, E-ISSN 1467-8519, Vol. 22, no 1, 56-63 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The paper presents and briefly analyses some of the provisions of a Romanian legislative proposal which arrived at the Presidency for ratification twice, in slightly different forms, and which was rejected twice: the first time at the Presidency in October 2004, and the second at the Constitutional Court in July 2005. The proposal was finally dropped in February 2006. My intention here is to point to some of the most problematic deficiencies of the legislative document in the hope that this may assist with future debates and regulations on assisted reproduction either in Romania or elsewhere. I have isolated the features to be discussed under two headings: (1) whose are the rights to reproduce, that the document claimed to 'acknowledge, regulate and guarantee' and (2) what is the status of the embryo, the child and the surrogate mother?

  • 48.
    Cutas, Daniela
    School of Law, University of Manchester, UK.
    Postmenopausal motherhood: immoral, illegal? A case study2007In: Bioethics, ISSN 0269-9702, E-ISSN 1467-8519, Vol. 21, no 8, 458-463 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The paper explores the ethics of post-menopausal motherhood by looking at the case of Adriana Iliescu, the oldest woman ever to have given birth (so far). To this end, I will approach the three most common objections brought against the mother and/or against the team of healthcare professionals who made it happen: the age of the mother, the fact that she is single, the appropriateness of her motivation and of that of the medical team.

  • 49.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Department of historical, philosophical and religious studies.
    Reglementarea reproducerii asistate în România. O analiză critică a legii 217/20032005Report (Other academic)
  • 50.
    Cutas, Daniela
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Department of historical, philosophical and religious studies.
    Bortolotti, Lisa
    University of Birmingham, Department of Philosophy.
    Natural versus Assisted Reproduction: In Search of Fairness2010In: Studies in Ethics, Law, and Technology, ISSN 1941-6008, Vol. 4, no 1, 1-18 p.Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this paper, we are concerned with the ethical implications of the distinction between natural reproduction (via sexual intercourse) and reproduction that requires assistance (either medical or social). We argue that the current practice of enforcing regulations on the latter but not on the former means of reproduction is ethically unjustified. It is not defensible to tolerate parental ignorance or abuse in natural reproduction and subsequently in natural parenting, whilst submitting assisted reproduction and parenting to invasive scrutiny. Our proposal is to guarantee equal (ethical and legal) treatment to people engaging in either form of reproduction or parenting.

12345 1 - 50 of 248
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf