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  • 1.
    Bohman, Andrea
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Hjerm, Mikael
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    En attitydfråga2013In: Axess, ISSN 1651-0941, no 5, p. 46-49Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 2.
    Bohman, Andrea
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Hjerm, Mikael
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Europa tycker olika2013In: Axess, ISSN 1651-0941, no 5, p. 50-53Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 3.
    Bohman, Andrea
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Hjerm, Mikael
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Politics and prejudice: How political discussion with peers is related to attitudes about immigrants during adolescence2019In: Frontiers in Sociology, E-ISSN 2297-7775Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Research on prejudice has shown that with whom we surround ourselves matters for intergroup attitudes, but these studies have paid little attention to the content of those interactions. Studies on political socialization and deliberation have focused on the content of interaction by examining the transmission of norms as well as the direct consequences of political discussion on attitudes and behavior. However, this literature has not focused on prejudice as a potential consequence. In this study, we combine these approaches to examine if political discussions with peers during adolescence matter for prejudice. We rely on five waves of a Swedish panel of adolescents, ages 13-22. Results show an association between political discussion and prejudice over time, and that this relationship increases as adolescents grow older. Results also demonstrate that the effect of political discussions depends on the level of prejudice in one’s peer network. Discussion with low prejudice friends is associated with lower levels of prejudice over time, while political discussion with high prejudice peers is not significantly related to attitudes.

  • 4.
    Breznau, Nate
    et al.
    University of Mannheim, Mannheim Centre for European Social Research.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Immigrant presence, group boundaries, and support for the welfare state in Western European societies2016In: Acta Sociologica, ISSN 0001-6993, E-ISSN 1502-3869, Vol. 59, no 3, p. 195-214Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The intersection of group dynamics and socioeconomic status theories is applied as a framework for the puzzling relationship of immigration and support for the welfare state in Western Europe. Group dynamics theories suggest that how individuals define their group boundaries moderates the impact of immigration on support for the welfare state. Immigrant presence should have the strongest effects for those with exclusive national group boundaries; weaker for those with conditionally inclusive boundaries based on reciprocity; and weakest or non-existent for those with inclusive group boundaries. Group boundaries should interact with material self-interest, leading individuals with less material security who are more likely to face social risks to be more supportive of the welfare state. Using data from the 4th European Social Survey linked to regional and national data, we find that group boundary salience plays a large moderating role in the relationship between immigration and native support for the welfare state, and that this role is intricately linked to material self-interest. Group dynamics should therefore be viewed in conjunction with existing structural welfare state theories as opposed to an alternative or isolated mechanism. 

  • 5.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    University of Washington, Department of Sociology.
    Book review: Caribbean Migration to Western Europe and the United States: Essays on Incorporation, Identity, and Citizenship2011In: Journal of World-Systems Research, ISSN 1076-156X, E-ISSN 1076-156X, Vol. 17, no 1, p. 256-258Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 6.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    University of Washington, Department of Sociology.
    Book review: The New Nativism: Proposition 187 and the Debate Over Immigration2009In: Mobilization, ISSN 1086-671X, E-ISSN 1938-1514, Vol. 14, no 3, p. 404-406Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 7.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Book review: The Rise and Fall of the Miraculous Welfare Machine: Immigration and Social Democracy in Twentieth-Century Sweden2018In: Perspectives on Politics, ISSN 1537-5927, E-ISSN 1541-0986, Vol. 16, no 3, p. 881-883Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 8.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    University of Washington, Department of Sociology.
    Even in Sweden: The Effect of Immigration on Support for Welfare State Spending2010In: European Sociological Review, ISSN 0266-7215, E-ISSN 1468-2672, Vol. 26, no 2, p. 203-217Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    While the politics of globalization and welfare state retrenchment have garnered much attention in recent years, scholarly research on public support for welfare state expenditure is comparatively sparse. Furthermore, new pressures, specifically international immigration and resulting ethnic heterogeneity, add a new challenge to the welfare state. In this article, I analyse support for social welfare expenditure in Sweden—the country that spends the greatest percentage of its GDP on social expenditure and, until recently, remained relatively ethnically homogeneous. Results from multilevel models reveal that multiple measures of immigration at the county-level have significant negative effects on support for the welfare state. Moreover, recent immigration has a negative effect on attitudes towards universal spending. Thus, this analysis provides clear evidence that ethnic heterogeneity negatively affects support for social welfare expenditure—even in Sweden.

  • 9.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    The return of nationalism and the rise of the radical right2019In: Tracking the rise of the radical right globally: CARR yearbook 2018/2019 / [ed] William Allchorn, Stuttgart: Ibidem-Verlag, 2019, p. 41-44Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 10.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Bohman, Andrea
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    The political consequences of contemporary immigration2016In: Sociology Compass, ISSN 1751-9020, E-ISSN 1751-9020, Vol. 10, no 10, p. 877-892Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article synthesizes research on political outcomes associated with increasing immigration, with an emphasis on cross-national studies of European countries, where immigration is a relatively newer phenomenon compared to the United States and other traditional immigrant destinations. We begin with explanations of and research on anti-immigrant sentiment, not a political phenomenon in itself but considered an important precursor to other relevant political attitudes. Next, we review scholarship on the relationship between immigration and support for the welfare state, as well as exclusionary attitudes regarding immigrants’ rights to welfare benefits. Then, we review research on immigration and political party preferences, in particular radical right parties, whose platforms often combine anti-immigration and welfare chauvinistic positions. We conclude by discussing how these processes may ultimately shape social policies, which may in turn influence immigration itself.

  • 11.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Breznau, Nate
    University of Mannheim, Mannheim Centre for European Social Research.
    Immigration and the welfare state: a cross-regional analysis of European welfare attitudes2017In: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, ISSN 0020-7152, E-ISSN 1745-2554, Vol. 58, no 5, p. 440-463Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A growing body of research connects diversity to anti-welfare attitudes and lower levels of social welfare expenditure, yet most evidence comes from analyses of US states or comparisons of the United States to Europe. Comparative analyses of European nation-states, however, yield little evidence that immigration – measured at the country-level – reduces support for national welfare state programs. This is not surprising, given that research suggests that the impact of diversity occurs at smaller, sub-national geographic units. Therefore, in this article, we test the hypothesis that immigration undermines welfare attitudes by assessing the impact of immigration measured at the regional-level on individual-level support for redistribution, a comprehensive welfare state, and immigrants’ social rights. To do this, we combine data from the European Social Survey with a unique regional dataset compiled from national censuses, Eurostat, and the European Election Database (13 countries, 114 regions, and 23,213 individuals). Utilizing multilevel modeling, we find a negative relationship between regional percent foreign-born and support for redistribution as well as between regional percent foreign-born and support for a comprehensive welfare state. Objective immigration, however, does not increase opposition to immigrants’ social rights (i.e. welfare chauvinism). We discuss the implications of these results and conclude that traditional welfare state attitudes and welfare chauvinism are distinct phenomena that should not be conflated in future research.

  • 12.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Hjerm, Mikael
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    The Sweden Democrats remain deeply unpopular despite making gains2019In: Tracking the rise of the radical right globally: CARR Yearbook 2018/2019 / [ed] William Allchorn, Stuttgart: Ibidem-Verlag, 2019, p. 135-138Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 13.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Hjerm, Mikael
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Two sides of the same coin?: The rise of neo-nationalism and civic integrationism in multi-ethnic Europe2018In: The effects of race / [ed] Nina G. Jablonski, Gerhard Maré, Stellenbosch: AFRICAN SUN MeDIA, 2018, p. 151-167Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 14.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Larsen, Christian Albrekt
    Aalborg Universitet.
    Mewes, Jan
    Lunds Universitet.
    Welfare nationalism before and after the “migration crisis"2019In: Welfare State Legitimacy in Times of Crisis and Austerity: Between Change and Continuity / [ed] Tijs Laenen, Bart Meuleman, and Wim van Oorschot, Edward Elgar Publishing, 2019Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 15.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Valdez, Sarah
    Institute for Analytical Sociology, Linköping University.
    From radical right to neo-nationalist2019In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, Vol. 18, no 3, p. 379-399Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, we investigate the ideology of the populist radical right (PRR) and the extent to which its political message has changed over time. In doing so, we also judge the usefulness of the PRR-tag. Like seminal scholarship on these parties, we contend that both economic and social positions are relevant for contemporary radical right parties. Further, we argue that contemporary parties’ stances are indicative of a nationalist ideology. Using the Manifesto Project Dataset, we investigate radical right policy preferences between 1970 and 2015. Results indicate that right-wing economic stances are more prevalent prior to the twenty-first century and that radical right parties increasingly make economically leftist claims. Results also demonstrate that radical right parties are not always the farthest to right in national political spaces. Further, we show that contemporary parties make nationalist claims. Indeed, nationalism not only increasingly characterizes these parties but also increasingly distinguishes them from other major party families, whose average positions over time are globalist. We argue that contemporary radical right parties are better conceptualized and described as neo-nationalist, a label consistent with both their social and economic positions.

  • 16.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen.
    Valdez, Sarah
    Carlos III University, Juan March Institute.
    Neo-nationalism in Western Europe2015In: European Sociological Review, ISSN 0266-7215, E-ISSN 1468-2672, Vol. 31, no 1, p. 115-130Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The increasing popularity of radical right parties in Western Europe has received widespread attention. Despite a rather large literature on parties with explicitly anti-immigrant platforms, there is surprisingly little consensus about the underlying political ideology of this party family and its supporters. Particularly lacking is cross-national research that maps party positions in two-dimensional political space over time. Using Manifesto Project Data (1970-2010), we analyze election platforms of parties the literature has identified as radical right and show that they have qualitatively changed between 1970 and 2010. Current parties differ fundamentally from their predecessors in that nationalist claims are paramount. We utilize the European Social Survey (2002-2010) to confirm that voters' attitudes are consistent with contemporary parties' platforms. Our results point to a coherent political ideology, which may partially explain these parties' recent electoral successes. Based on our combined analyses, we conclude that contemporary anti-immigrant parties constitute a new, distinct party family, which we term neo-nationalist.

  • 17.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Valdez, Sarah
    Department of Management and Engineering, The Institute for Analytical Sociology, IAS.
    The rise of neo-nationalism2019In: Europe at the crossroads: confronting populist, nationalist, and global challenges / [ed] Pieter Bevelander & Ruth Wodak, Nordic Academic Press, 2019, p. 113-134Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Support for Western European radical right parties has increased in recent years, prompting the need for new research on these parties. Especially important are studies that investigate their ideology and how it has changed over time. After describing their recent electoral gains at the national and European levels, we make the case that neo-nationalism—a form of nationalism occurring when nation-state boundaries are settled, but perceived to be under threat—is the underlying ideology of contemporary radical right parties. Analyses of Manifesto Project data show that contemporary parties increasingly make nationalist claims; indeed, the issues most important to these parties are consistent with the notion that the sovereignty and autonomy of modern nation-states are under threat from external forces (Eger & Valdez 2015; 2018). When framing their opposition to globalization, supranational organizations, and multiculturalism, they cite negative economic, sociocultural, and political consequences for the nation-state. Our analyses also show that nationalism not only increasingly characterizes radical right parties, but also distinguishes them from other major party families.

  • 18.
    Hjerm, Mikael
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Bohman, Andrea
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Fors Connolly, Filip
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    A New Approach to the Study of Tolerance: Conceptualizing and Measuring Acceptance, Respect, and Appreciation of Difference2019In: Social Indicators Research, ISSN 0303-8300, E-ISSN 1573-0921Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Previous empirical research on tolerance suffers from a number of shortcomings, the most serious being the conceptual and operational conflation of (in)tolerance and prejudice. We design research to remedy this. First, we contribute to the literature by advancing research that distinguishes analytically between the two phenomena. We conceptualize tolerance as a value orientation towards difference. This definition—which is abstract and does not capture attitudes towards specific out-groups, ideas, or behaviors—allows for the analysis of tolerance within and between societies. Second, we improve the measurement of tolerance by developing survey items that are consistent with this conceptualization. We administer two surveys, one national (Sweden) and one cross-national (Australia, Denmark, Great Britain, Sweden, and the United States). Results from structural equation models show that tolerance is best understood as a three-dimensional concept, which includes acceptance of, respect for, and appreciation of difference. Analyses show that measures of tolerance have metric invariance across countries, and additional tests demonstrate convergent and discriminant validity. We also assess tolerance’s relationship to prejudice and find that only an appreciation of difference has the potential to reduce prejudice. We conclude that it is not only possible to measure tolerance in a way that is distinct from prejudice but also necessary if we are to understand the causes and consequences of tolerance.

  • 19.
    Hjerm, Mikael
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Danell, Rickard
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Peer Attitudes and the Development of Prejudice in Adolescence2018In: Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World, ISSN 2378-0231, Vol. 4, p. 1-11Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    According to a number of psychological and sociological theories, individuals are susceptible to social influence from their immediate social environment, especially during adolescence. An important social context is the network of one’s peers. However, data limitations, specifically a lack of longitudinal data with information about respondents’ social networks, have limited previous analyses of the relationship between peers and prejudice over time. In this article, we rely on a five-wave panel of adolescents, aged either 13 or 16 in wave 1 (N = 1,009). We examine the effects of this social context on prejudice by focusing on nominated friends’ attitudes, attitudes of prestigious peers, and respondents’ own positions in their networks. Results indicate that the level of prejudice among peers affects individual prejudice over time. Results also show that both prestigious and nonprestigious peers affect prejudice. Finally, adolescents’ own positions in their networks matter: Network centrality is inversely related to prejudice.

  • 20.
    Kornrich, Sabino
    et al.
    Emory University, Department of Sociology.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Family Life in Context: Men and Women’s Perceptions of Fairness and Satisfaction Across Thirty Countries2016In: Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society, ISSN 1072-4745, E-ISSN 1468-2893, Vol. 23, no 1, p. 40-69Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Existing scholarship contends that satisfaction with family life is relative: that what individuals expect out of their marriages in terms of housework and possibly more generally depends on what is typical in that country. These expectations are derived from a relative deprivation framework, which claims that individuals engage in social comparison with similar others and experience dissatisfaction or other forms of psychological distress if these comparisons indicate that they are relatively worse off. In this article, we extend existing research on women’s satisfaction with family life by asking two primary questions. First, can research which suggests that relative deprivation structures women’s perceptions of fairness in and satisfaction with family life be extended to understand men’s experiences? Second, what other individual-level features and country policies interact to influence satisfaction with family life? To answer these questions, we rely on individual-level data (N=14,351) from the International Social Survey Programme (2002) and country-level data (N=30) from the OECD Family Database, the World Economic Forum, and other sources. Using multilevel models, we find that relative deprivation does not explain men’s experiences, suggesting the importance of the salience of egalitarian norms rather than relative deprivation for men and possibly for women. In addition, we find other significant individual- and country-level variables, broadening understandings of satisfaction with family life across a variety of institutional contexts.

  • 21.
    Kulin, Joakim
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Hjerm, Mikael
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Immigration or Welfare?: The Progressive's Dilemma Revisited2016In: Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World, ISSN 2378-0231, Vol. 2, p. 1-15, article id 2378023116632223Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Previous cross-national research on the link between immigration and the welfare state has focused exclusively on the relationship between the size of a country's foreign-born population and support for redistribution, neglecting that people vary in their responses to immigration. In this article, the authors revisit the progressive's dilemma by testing its theoretical proposition—that immigration and welfare are incompatible—in two novel ways. First, the authors conduct an individual-level analysis that demonstrates that, for most Europeans, supporting both immigration and welfare is unlikely. Second, the authors assess whether country-level immigration is associated with the salience of different immigration-welfare attitudes but find little evidence that immigration measured at the country level produces the most exclusive attitudes. 

1 - 21 of 21
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