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  • 1.
    Jarstad, Anna
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Åkebo, Malin
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Höglund, Kristine
    Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University.
    Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi
    the Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala University.
    Söderström, Johanna
    Department of Government, Uppsala University.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kostić, Roland
    the Hugo Valentin Centre and Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University.
    Sahovic, Dzenan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Peace agreements in the 1990s – what are the outcomes 20 years later?2015Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In the 1990s, a number of protracted armed conflicts were finally ended. This period can be described as a paradigmatic shift with regards to how armed conflicts are brought to an end. When the logic of the Cold War no longer hindered the United Nations (UN) to intervene, the number of UN peace operations rose dramatically and became more comprehensive. In addition, conflicts increasingly ended through negotiated settlements rather than military victory. The peace processes of the 1990s gave rise to great optimism that negotiations and peacebuilding efforts, often with considerable international involvement, would bring sustainable peace to war-affected countries. The outcomes of these peace processes, however, appears to be far from unanimously positive. Today, 20 years after the war endings of the 1990s, it is therefore imperative to critically analyze and evaluate these peace processes and their long-term results. What is the situation like today in countries where conflicts ended in the 1990s? What has become of the peace? In this paper, the long-term outcomes of peace processes that took place in the 1990s are evaluated through brief analyses of a number of cases,demonstrating that the nature and quality of peace today show great diversity. The paper also includes a conceptualization of the ”peace triangle” aimed at distinguishing between different forms of peace, as well as a study of the relationship between peacebuilding and democracy in UN peace operations in the 1990s, concluding that outcomes with regards to democratic development in the intervened countries are generally poor.

  • 2.
    Jarstad, Anna
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Åkebo, Malin
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Johansson, Patrik
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Barnes, Philippa
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Eklund, Niklas
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Eklund Wimelius, Malin
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sahovic, Dzenan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Strandh, Veronica
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Söderström, Johanna
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Department of Government, Uppsala University and Department of Comparative Politics, University of Bergen .
    Varieties of peace: presentation of a research program2017Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The Varieties of Peace research program aims to analyze long-term effects of peace processes in conflicts that ended in the 1990s. The central research questions are: What characterizes peace after the peace processes initiated in the 1990s and how does it vary? How can this variation be described and explained? Peace processes have been studied using short time perspectives, usually in ”lessons-learned” evaluations five years after conflict termination, and usually with theories of conflict as a starting point. The Varieties of Peace research program is an ambitious initiative, which starts from a theoretical understanding of peace, its quality and character, and views peace and peace processes as dynamic and transformative. It will investigate and evaluate different types of peace processes from a comparative perspective and 25–30 years after they started, with the ambition of producing generalizable knowledge about peace, what it is and how it can be achieved. As a starting point, the program studies explanatory factors in five areas: 1) the actions, capacity and resilience of civil society, 2) the interests and strategies of the elites, 3) the aims and character of the agreements, 4) the societies’ institutions and resilience, and 5) international involvement. These issues will be studies in at least ten projects, with the ambition to capture and explain variation, internal dynamics and ultimately the results and effects of peace processes, studied over a longer period of time. The Varieties of Peace program is funded by Riksbankens Jubileumsfond: the Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences, 2017-2024. For more info, please visit our webpage at www.varietiesofpeace.net.

  • 3.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Constitution-building  bodies and the sequencing of public participation: a comparison of seven empirical cases2017In: Journal of Politics and Law, ISSN 1913-9047, E-ISSN 1913-9055, Vol. 10, no 3, p. 13-25Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Constitution-building is one of the most salient aspects of transitional processes, from war to peace or from authoritarian rule, in terms of establishing and strengthening democracy. This paper is part of a research project that aims to identify the circumstances under which constitution-building can strengthen democracy after violent conflict and during transitions from authoritarian rule. Previous research has indicated that the actions and relations of political elites from opposing political parties when making the constitution has bearing on the state of democracy post promulgation, but that the careful sequencing of public participation in the process can be of relevance as well. This paper conducts a systematic analysis of seven empirical cases and focuses the investigation to the type of constitution-building body that has been employed and to during what stage of the process the general public have been invited to participate. It concludes that popularly elected constitution-building bodies tend to include a broad range of political parties and that they, additionally, tend to have rules of procedure that encourage compromise and negotiation, whereas appointed bodies are dominated by one single party or one single person and do not have rules of procedure that necessitate compromise. The paper also discusses the potential need for political elites to have negotiated a number of baseline constitutional principles prior to inviting the general public to get involved in the constitution-building process, and concludes that this is an area of research in need of further in-depth empirical case-studies.

  • 4.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. 1982.
    Different Types of Participation in Constitution Making Processes: Towards a Conceptualization2016In: Southern African Journal of Policy and Development, ISSN 2411-5479, Vol. 2, no 2, p. 18-28Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Though participatory constitution making processes in post-conflict states and in states transitioning from authoritarian rule have become a new trend, scholarly research has yet to approach the notion of participation in a sharp and distinct way. In this article, I develop a novel approach for differentiating participation in constitution making, depending on the extent of influence that participants are granted, illustrating this reasoning with eight empirical cases from the African continent.

  • 5.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    How do participatory constitution building processes effect the quality of democracy?2010Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 6.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    How participatory constitution building processes affect the quality of democracy2011Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 7.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. 1982.
    Negotiating the Post-Revolution Constitution for Tunisia – Members of the National Constituent Assembly Share Their Experiences2018In: International Law Research, ISSN 1927-5234, Vol. 7, no 1, p. 235-246Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Though the Tunisian transition to democracy faces challenges seven years following the 2011 revolution and four years following the enactment of the new constitution, the country still constitutes a ‘success story’, especially in comparison to neighbouring states that were also touched by the Arab Uprisings. This paper takes an interest in exploring the Tunisian constitution-making process, and especially the political elite negotiated compromises that took place in the National Constituent Assembly. How were Tunisian religious and secular political forces able to unite and compromise on a constitutional document; what motivated their actions during the constitutional talks? Ideologies, rational pragmatism, self-serving interests or something else? This is a pertinent question that has bearing for other states that are in transition from authoritarian rule, in which religious and secular political parties are struggling to draft the political rules of the game anew. This is a qualitative study, based on interviews with political representatives, from a broad range of Tunisian political parties, who were part of the constitutional negotiations. Their responses suggest that pragmatism and rationality took precedence over ideological positions during the negotiations, and that this was indispensable for a draft to be produced. Despite this, the study argues that ideologies were likely not irrelevant in the minds of the political elites who were negotiating the post-revolution constitution, and that previous agreements and discussions among these elites that were, in fact, based on ideological positions, facilitated the constitutional negotiations that took place in the aftermath of the ousting of Ben-Ali

  • 8.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. British Institute of International and Comparative Law ; Bingham Centre for the Rule of Law.
    Participation: to unveil a myth2018In: Public participation in African constitutionalism / [ed] Tania Abbiate, Markus Böckenförde and Veronica Federico, London: Routledge, 2018, p. 13-25Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter aims to discuss what public participation in the context of constitution making entails and illustrates characteristic features of different types of participation in constitution making processes. The initiators of the constitution making process have the possibility to design the process such that public influence is reduced or increased. Their aspiration to involve the general public so that genuine participation becomes a viable option depends on how the initiators communicate and inform the people about the constitution-making process. Some constitution making processes employ a one-way model of communication, which only serves to keep the public informed about the process without allowing feedback. In order to be able to make an assessment of how participatory a constitution-making process is, the extent of inclusion is also a factor that must be considered. The question of final authority is an essential aspect to determine how participatory a constitution making process.

  • 9.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Participatory constitution-building in Nepal: a comparison of the 2008-2012 and the 2013-2015 process2017In: Journal of Politics and Law, ISSN 1913-9047, E-ISSN 1913-9055, Vol. 10, no 4, p. 29-39Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Participatory constitution-building is a trend that appears to be here to stay; particularly when new constitutions are drafted in the aftermath of war or during transitions from authoritarian to democratic rule. Anticipations as to what the involvement of the public will achieve are several, and scholars are only recently starting to systematically investigate whether or not these expectations find empirical support. Previous research has shown that public participation in the making of the constitution can have certain positive effects at an individual level of analysis, but that the actions of political elites during constitutional negotiations might affect outcomes at a macro level of analysis more than what has hitherto be acknowledged in this strand of research. Nepal is one of the most recent cases of participatory constitution-building, and the country carried out not only one, but two, such processes within a time period of only seven years. The first resulted in failure as a draft constitution was never finalized; the other in success with the adoption of a constitution in 2015. This article takes an interest in exploring and comparing these two separate processes as regards the extent of public participation vis-à-vis political elite negotiations and bargaining behind closed doors. The article finds that what primarily sets the two processes apart, is how broad based public participation and secluded elite negotiations were sequenced. In light of other empirical examples, the article also discusses if elite bargains ought to be struck before the general public are invited to participate.

  • 10.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Participatory Constitution-Making as a Transnational Legal Norm: Why Does It “Stick” in Some Contexts and Not in Others?2017In: UC Irvine Journal of International, Transnational and Comparative Law, Vol. 2, p. 113-136Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    It could be argued that since the dawn of the peace-building era in the early 1990s, public participation in constitution-making processes has developed into a transnational legal norm. International organizations, NGOs, CSOs, scholars and think tanks around the globe repeatedly stress the value of including ordinary citizens in the making of their founding laws. As a consequence, the practice of participatory constitution-making has also increased. Though this is a seemingly established transnational legal norm, it is still a norm that has been more or less successfully adopted in different contexts. This article takes an interest in exploring why this is so. How is it that this norm is institutionalized in some contexts, internalized in others, institutionalized and internalized in yet other contexts, and simply rejected in still other contexts?

  • 11.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Department of Political Science, Umeå University.
    Participatory constitution-making as a transnational legal norm: why does it "stick" in some contexts and not in others?2019In: Constitution making and transnational legal order / [ed] Gregory Shaffer, Tom Ginsburg & Terrence C. Halliday, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019, 1, p. 283-311Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 12.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Public participation in constitution building; an effective strategy for enhancing democracy?2015Report (Other academic)
  • 13.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Public participation in constitution building processes: what does it mean?2012Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 14.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Public participation in constitution building processes: what does it mean?2012Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 15.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Participation Myth: outcomes of participatory constitution building processes on democracy2015Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Since the early 1990s a growing number of constitution building processes in countries transitioning from authoritarian rule or recovering from war or severe institutional crisis have involved public participation. This increase stems from an assumption made by many peacebuilding scholars and practitioners that public participation in constitution building will lead to higher levels of democracy. This assumption has not, however, been the subject of systematic or comprehensive analysis. Therefore, the overarching purpose of this thesis is to scrutinize the participation-hypothesis - as it is referred to in this study.

    The study is a two-step investigation. The first part begins with an analysis of twenty cases of participatory constitution building that have occurred in post-conflict states, transitioning states and countries that have experienced a severe institutional crisis. In order to differentiate the cases in terms of how much influence participants were granted, an analytical framework is developed and the cases are categorized as either false, symbolic, limited, consultative or substantial participation. The participation-hypothesis is then empirically investigated by comparing democracy levels prior to and after the process for each of the 20 cases. In order to further test the hypothesis, cases of constitution making in which there was no public participation are then added to the investigation. These cases are included as a point of reference – the democratic outcome in this group is compared with the democratic outcome in the twenty participatory processes. The empirical results reveal that there is no relationship between public participation in constitution building processes and higher levels of democracy. On the contrary, some cases that involved considerable influence for participants have not experienced improved levels of democracy, while cases with low levels of influence for participants have shown democratic improvement. Moreover, a majority of cases of constitution making without public participation have also experienced increases in their democracy scores. Therefore, the conclusion of the first part of the study is that the participation-hypothesis does not stand up to empirical scrutiny.

    Particularly challenging for the participation-hypothesis is the fact that the analysis in part one shows that similar participatory processes have been followed by democratic improvement in some countries and democratic decline in others. Two such cases are Kenya and Zimbabwe. While democracy levels have increased in Kenya since the conclusion of the process, they have steadily declined in Zimbabwe. In the second part of the study, these two countries are therefore the object of intense, systematic and comparative scrutiny in order to explore factors beyond participation in constitution building that might explain the different trajectories of democracy. The comparison shows that the actions of political elites – in particular their ability to cooperate with each other – is the major explanation as to why the two wind up on different paths. The importance of elite cooperation is well-established in the democratization literature. One major conclusion of this study is therefore that the participation-hypothesis needs to be informed by insights drawn from this literature.

  • 16.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Why does democracy in Kenya fare better than in Zimbabwe?: A systematic comparison of elite cooperation2014Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 17.
    Saati, Abrak
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Eklund Wimelius, Malin
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Building peace abroad and coming back home: experiences of Swedish police officers2018In: Policing & society, ISSN 1043-9463, E-ISSN 1477-2728, Vol. 28, no 9, p. 1050-1064Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Ever since the Swedish Police Authority established a unit for Peace Support Operations in 2000, approximately 70–110 Swedish police officers have participated in peacebuilding missions around the globe on an annual basis. This signifies that a substantial number of Swedish police officers have gained practical experience of assisting post-conflict states to rebuild their societies, reform their security sectors and establish a police force that acts in accordance with the principles of democratic policing. However, to date, there is no research that has set out to investigate these police officers’ experiences; not only of building peace abroad within the framework of democratic policing, but also of coming back home to reengage in Swedish police work. In this paper we begin to address this research gap. We do so through a number of qualitative interviews with Swedish police officers who have recent experiences of participating in peacebuilding missions in Liberia, Kosovo and Haiti. The findings show that despite certain obstacles, the police officers find ways to conduct police work in a manner that they believe supports the advancement of a democratic police force, and that their overall sentiment of building peace abroad is positive. However, their experiences of returning home to reengage in Swedish police work are less satisfactory. Officers express frustration that new insights and new knowledge gained abroad do not seem to be valued by the Swedish Police Authority. This is a finding that aligns with results from previous studies on Canadian and Australian police officers.

  • 18.
    Saati, Abrak
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Wimelius, Malin E
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Naarttijärvi, Markus
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Law.
    Svensk polis i utlandstjänst: om erfarenheter av att arbeta i internationella missioner och att återvända hem2016Report (Other academic)
1 - 18 of 18
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