umu.sePublications
Change search
Refine search result
234567 201 - 250 of 308
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf
Rows per page
  • 5
  • 10
  • 20
  • 50
  • 100
  • 250
Sort
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
Select
The maximal number of hits you can export is 250. When you want to export more records please use the Create feeds function.
  • 201. Liljeqvist, Nina
    et al.
    Blomgren, Magnus
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Riksdagspartierna och EU: en svag demokratisk länk2018Report (Refereed)
    Abstract [sv]

    I denna analys granskas de svenska riksdagspartiernas förmåga att skapa en folklig förankring för den förda EU-politiken. För detta syfte kartläggs först EG-/EU-rättens betydelse i svensk lagstiftning. Utvecklingen över tid såväl som över politikområden jämförs. Förekomsten av EG-/EU-regler i svensk lagstiftning ökar tydligt från och med början på 1990-talet, och skillnaderna mellan olika politikområden är dessutom stora och växande. Vissa områden, såsom jordbruk, miljö och handelsfrågor, har blivit starkt påverkade av EG-/EU-rätten, medan exempelvis kultur och skola inte har det. Detta bör påverka hur partierna arbetar med olika områden i och utanför riksdagen. Därefter undersöks i vad mån riksdagspartierna i sina nationella valmanifest lyfter fram frågor som relaterar till EU. EU-dimensionen börjar nämnas i allt högre utsträckning i samband med folkomröstningen om svenskt EU-medlemskap 1994, men därefter tillägnas EU allt mindre utrymme. Avslutningsvis studeras EU:s påverkan på den interna partipolitiska arenan. Även på denna punkt förblir partier tämligen passiva inför den politiska verklighet som EU-medlemskapet bjuder. Den sammantagna analysen pekar således på att partierna i flera avseenden brister i sin grundläggande funktion att utgöra en länk mellan medborgaren och de politiska beslutsfattarna. Slutligen framhålls några åtgärder som skulle kunna förbättra denna situation

  • 202.
    Lindahl, Jonas
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hellström, Johan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Bäck, Hanna
    Lunds universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Sweden: Minority government as the norm2019In: Coalition Government as a Reflection of a Nation’s Politics and Society: A Comparative Study of Parliamentary Parties and Cabinets in 12 Countries / [ed] Matt Evans, London & New York: Routledge, 2019, 1, p. 127-146Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Swedish coalition politics is markedly influenced both by a historically strong emphasis on near-unidimensional political conflict along the left-right economic dimension, the once-dominant position of the Social Democrats, and a negative parliamentarism system. These factors have contributed to most governments formed during the post-World War Two period comprising a minority of seats in parliament. Often, governments have been single-party Social Democrat cabinets, who have relied on support from one or more parties outside government. Swedish politics has long been characterized by “bloc politics”, where the socialist and the non-socialist bloc have competed for power. However, with the entry and growth of the populist radical-right party, the Sweden Democrats, the future of bloc politics has become more uncertain. Consequently, after the 2018 election, the formation of a centre-left, red-green government required drawn-out negotiations across and within the two blocs in order to obtain the necessary support of several non-socialist parties.

  • 203. Lindahl, Karin Beland
    et al.
    Baker, Susan
    Rist, Lucy
    Zachrisson, Anna
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Theorising pathways to sustainability2016In: International Journal of Sustainable Development and World Ecology, ISSN 1350-4509, E-ISSN 1745-2627, Vol. 23, no 5, p. 399-411Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Using a Pathways approach, controversies over environmental and natural resource management are viewed as expressions of alternative, or competing, pathways to sustainability. This supports deeper understanding of the underlying causes of natural resource management controversies. The framework is composed of two elements: the STEPS (Social, Technological, and Environmental Pathways to Sustainability) Pathways approach and frame analysis. Many sustainable development dilemmas are played out in specific places and consequently, the Pathways approach is integrated with a place-based frame analysis. The resulting framework guides empirical investigation in place-based contexts. This theorising about sustainability science can be used to cast light on contested natural resource management issues, in this case mining in northern Sweden. By exposing the range of alternative Pathways to critical norms of sustainable development, we ascertain whether action alternatives are compatible with sustainable futures. The framework provides a way in which sustainability science can better understand the origins of natural resource management conflicts, characterise the positions of the actors involved, identify the potential for cooperation between stakeholders leading to policy resolution and judge what Pathways help or hinder the pursuit of sustainable development. In addition, it can enhance sustainability science by guiding integrative sustainability research at the project scale.

  • 204.
    Lindberg, Sara
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Samverkan för ett civilt försvar: En fallstudie av civil-militär samverkan inom Militärregion syd2015Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna uppsats är en fallstudie som undersöker samverkan för civilt försvar inom typfallet Militärregion syd (MR S). Uppsatsen bygger på semi-strukturerade intervjuer med fem länsstyrelser inom i MR S samt med två representanter från MR S. Materialet har kategoriserats utifrån en analysmodell skapad utifrån Emerson et als teoretiska ramverk Collaborative Governance. Ramverket lyfter fram viktiga förutsättningar för samverkan och visar på beroenden mellan dessa förutsättningar. Förutsättningar används för att kategorisera och jämföra svaren från länsstyrelserna och MR S samt för att undersöka hur väl dessa förutsättningar uppfylls och om de har samma syn på förutsättningarna. Utifrån detta går att konstatera att det råder till stor del samsyn mellan länsstyrelserna och MR S vilket ses som en god möjlighet för samverkan. Andra viktiga möjligheter för samverkan är att det finns ett ömsesidigt beroende mellan länsstyrelserna och MR S, det förändrade säkerhetspolitiska läget ökar motivationen för samverkan gällande civilt försvar samt att det finns en vilja att använda kunskap förvärvad från samverkan för civilt försvar inom andra samverkansområden. De största bristerna anses vara den omgivande kontexten där arbetet med civilt försvar försvåras av att det saknas styrning och direktiv från central nivå samt att det inte tilldelats resurser för arbetet. Det saknas incitament för privata aktörer att ingå samverkan för civilt försvar och lagar behöver moderniseras då de till stor del härrör från tiden med det gamla civilförsvaret. På regional nivå behöver ett gemensamt syfte utarbetas, kunskap om lagstiftningen behöver utökas samt att det behöver klargöras vilka mandat som gäller och vem som har rätt att besluta om vad. Utifrån resultatet från intervjuerna finns det kritik mot modellen vilken beskriver beroendet och förhållandena mellan kategorierna, då det i detta fall inte förefaller vara helt korrekt.

  • 205.
    Lindqvist, Sara
    et al.
    SLU.
    Camilla, Sandström
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Bjärstig, Therese
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kvastegård, Emma
    SLU.
    The changing role of hunting in Sweden: From subsistence to ecosystem stewardship?2014In: Alces, ISSN 0835-5851, Vol. 50, p. 35-51Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Although hunting served traditionally to supply game meat, and that is still important in Sweden, recreation is the most common reason for hunting moose (Alces alces) today. Hunting also serves an important management purpose in regulating moose populations to control crop and forest damage. This study used semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders and officials involved in the recently implemented ecosystem-based, adaptive local moose management system where hunters and landowners become environmental stewards responsible for managing moose in context with forest damage, vehicular collisions, large carnivores, and biodiversity. Our study found that participation and collaboration in reaching management objectives was perceived as positive by stakeholders, although their stewardship is jeopardized if specific management responsibilities are not clarified regarding monitoring. Further, it is important to find long-term funding solutions for monitoring activities that are critical for adequate data collection and to support the stakeholder role as steward. The importance of monitoring must be communicated to individual hunters and landowners to achieve an ecosystem-based moose management system that effectively incorporates both social and ecological values.

  • 206.
    Lindvall, Nina
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Den europeiska identiteten: Komparativ studie mellan kommissionsordförande Barrosos syn på Europeisk identitet och EG/EU:s tidigare officiella hållning2012Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    What is the European Union (EU) and which countries should be part of it in the future? These questions became topical during the first part of the 21st century when political and geographical changes hasten the need to decide the nature of the European cooperation. In the European Constitution, that never come into force, the European values that a key role but was taken away in the succeeding Lisbon Treaty. Nevertheless EU continues to expand, recently to the East and non-European countries asTurkey are now on the “waiting-list”. What is then the European Identity in the changedEurope of today?

     

    The President of the Commission has during the years had great influence on EU's view upon the European identity. For example, Jacques Delors was prominent in urging for European togetherness over national borders. Still, the current president, José Manuel Barroso, has new political and geographical situations to consider. That raises the question whether this new era might have an impact upon the president’s view of the European identity.

     

    How to relate to the European identity is something that the sociologist Gerard Delanty investigates. Foremost is his focus upon the historical rise of “Europe” and in addition the European identity effect European immigrants. Delanty has also created four models for European identity of “thick” and “thin” categories. The models systematize different views upon the European identity.

     

    This essay investigates how these models can be used as an instrument to categorize the different views upon the European identity that has been used by official sources within EU in the past, and compare these to the view which is expressed by Barroso today. The result is that Barroso’s view upon the European identity correlates to a great extent with the view of the 1950’s and 1960’s. That is, that the European identity should be based upon moral values as democracy and human rights. In contrast, the view in the 1980’s and beginning and 1990’s was a greater focus upon similarities in ancient history and multi-cultureEurope. In this way, Barroso’s view is similar to the early EU, however, not to the more recent opinions about European culture.

  • 207.
    Loughlin, John
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hendriks, Frank
    University of Tilburg.
    Lidström, Anders
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Introduction: Subnational democracy in Europe: changing backgrounds and theoretical models2012In: The Oxford handbook of local and regional democracy in Europe / [ed] John Loughlin, Frank Hendriks & Anders Lidström, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012, 1st paperback, p. 1-23Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 208.
    Loughlin, John
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hendriks, FrankUniversity of Tilburg.Lidström, AndersUmeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Oxford handbook of local and regional democracy2011Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 209.
    Lundmark, Linda
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Geography and Economic History, Economic and social geography.
    Sandström, CamillaUmeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Natural resources and regional development theory2013Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 210.
    Löf, Annette
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Carriere, Naomi
    University of Saskatchewan.
    Learning from our Elders: Aboriginal perspectives on climate change and reindeer/caribou habitat in the circumboreal forest2011Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Executive Summary

    The northernmost regions in the world are projected to suffer the most severe consequences of climate change. Natural resource-based communities and Indigenous peoples have been identified as particularly susceptible and research efforts are increasingly directed at exploring the potential consequences of climate change on the livelihoods of Indigenous peoples. Using Indigenous (IK) or Traditional knowledge (TK) as a ―canary‖ or early warning for climate change as well as a complement to ‗western scientific knowledge‘ or to supplement the lack of observational and diachronic data is also gaining increasing popularity. However, whereas interest in IK /TK has grown exponentially over the last two decades, research has tended to neglect taking a critical perspective on learning processes and knowledge transfer mechanisms. Research has treated IK/TK more as an artifact handed down through generations or as information to be automatically appropriated when spending time on the land.With rapid changes in their environments, Indigenous peoples and communities with close connection to the land will face the most severe challenges. How a changing climate is viewed by the people and how they adapt, will be learned, in part, through trial and error. These newly-learned experiences will be understood, transmitted, communicated and translated in their first language. New terminology in that first language may evolve to help identify and explain climate change phenomena. New practices will have to be developed to help people cope with these changes. The connections between climate change, livelihood, and survival are thus highly significant culturally in addition to those identified through statistics and numerical trends.Against this backdrop, in view of the complexity and severity of potential climate change ahead, we recognise the need for in-depth studies, unveiling people‘s own conceptions and understandings of their livelihood situations and possibilities to adapt to climate change (cf. Keskitalo 2008). We also recognize an empirical need to strengthen our understanding of those residing and acting within forested ecosystems in the Circumboreal North.

    By exploring two Indigenous communities, one reindeer (Rangifer tarandus tarandus) herding community in northern Sweden and a woodland caribou (Rangifer tarandus caribou) hunting community in Saskatchewan, Canada, this research project aims at partly addressing this knowledge gap. These communities are linked by the key species of reindeer/caribou (culturally and ecologically) and shared climatic challenges. Each locality is also embedded within a model forest and the two regions have become partners in order to share learning and practice with each other. To date, they have initiated cultural collaborations and exchanges among elders and youth and have committed to conducting research and other activities that support mutual learning.The purpose of this study has been to link understandings of species distributions of reindeer/caribou based on Indigenous observations of climate change and habitat conditions to herders‘ and hunters‘ adaptive strategies in two model forest regions: Prince Albert (Canada) and Vilhelmina (Sweden) Model Forests. As we conducted the research, it became clear that it is also important to consider how these changes link to learning processes and how learning is layered within these communities. For example, which different knowledge transfer mechanisms are activated? Which are the most important learning arenas? And can different types of learning and adaptive decision-making (such as ad hoc, contextual, 'on the spot‘ decision-making; thumb-rules; and more value-based, normative understandings) also be linked to different mechanisms 

    and arenas? By exploring these dimensions, the research explicitly addressed the relationship between individual and collective learning about climate change in the two model forest regions. In summary, the research attempted to give voice to northern Indigenous residents and their descriptions of a rapidly changing world, particularly in terms of climate change, and present an analysis of the challenges and opportunities to securing the flow of Indigenous knowledge by exploring inhibitors and opportunities to learning in a climate change context.Our study shows that changing weather patterns is a major concern of Indigenous residents in the circumboreal forest region. In Sweden climate testimonies concern a range of observed environmental changes; extreme weather events, long-term cycles and shorter-term cycles in weather patterns and vegetation. Whereas these observations cannot be directly seen as consequences of global climate change, they are strikingly similar to effects as projected by for instance the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).In the Prince Albert Model Forest, climate testimonies concern changes in weather patterns, extreme weather events, and shifting climatic conditions. The testimonies suggest observational changes such as limitations in vegetation growth, loss of species, new migratory species, impacts on insect cycles, fatalities in small fur-bearing animals, changes to fish migrations (possibly interfering with spawn), and loss of amphibians.

    Drawing on the accumulation of experiences and observations stored within these two cases of Northern Indigenous communities we argue that these serve well as canaries of potential climate change. Furthermore, as exemplified in the Swedish case, not only may Northern Indigenous communities function as valuable qualitative and local information sources, they may further act as active stewards of combating negative effects of climate change in how they adjust land use activities over large areas.The study also shows that the current observed changes in weather patterns as well as contemporary social structures (e.g. ―westernized‖ forms of education) pose serious threats to Indigenous Knowledge practices; partly in content and partly in the reduction of opportunities to transfer that knowledge across members of a community, including to future generations.In order to understand impacts of climate change on reindeer and woodland caribou populations and the adaptive capacity of Indigenous people, we relied on observational and qualitative methods and suggested some differences and similarities across the two regions. Comparisons relate to climate and climate change, increasing anthropogenic and industrial activities, impacts of local and regional governance, and long and short term changes in culture (see Section 4). We note that northern Indigenous communities are not standing passively, they are proactive and it is in their nature to be stewards of the land. The study shows that they have adopted a range of strategies and approaches in dealing with impacts associated with climate change, drawing on a combination of tradition, previous experiences and modern technology. Climate change may not be the greatest threat in the regions at this point; however, the implications of climate change compound other issues such as increased competition from other land users and losses associated with the imposition of western cultural values.

  • 211.
    Löfquist, Staffan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Den bångstyriga verkligheten: Har det svenska systemskiftet haft någon betydelse för arbetet med elever i behov av stöd?1999Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This study compares the manner in which local schools organize to address the policy problem of support for pupils with special needs. Since the end of the 1970s, it has been a central aim to decentralise basic comprehensive education in Sweden. Several reforms have totally remapped the formal organization structures and how educational resources are allocated from the state to municipalities. The role of central and regional state administration has shifted from being highly involved in regulating state grants to evaluating implementation of state goals. The implementa­tion structure approach used in research relies primarily upon semi-structured interviews with members of schools to identify who is involved in the tasks of defining needs, deciding priorities among needs, mobilising resources to alleviate needs and evaluating the work. From the teachers selected as the point of entry into schools, the interviewing proceeded to other members of the municipal educational system, within or outside the local school district. In each municipality one local school district was selected for study, and in each school district the study focuses on the upper level of the comprehensive school. Care has been taken to select schools of a certain size and to find schools with non-selective school populations. The same schools were studied in 1986 and 1995.

    One conclusion from the interviews in 1986 was that political intentions and the special SR- grant had minor or non-existent implications for the work being done in schools. It was of no interest where resources came from. This same conclusion can still be made in 1995. The review of how municipal education committees organized allocation of the SR-grant in 1986 did not indicate that they had acted to develop areas or criteria to direct more actively the use of resources in schools. This study argues that the capacity of municipal education committees to actively participate in the work has actually deteriorated. Decentralization of formal powers in combination with declining resources actually worsened the situation in this respect between 1986 and 1995. One can see that variation between schools in respect of total resources in the schools has declined, but to a level under the expected total amount of resources in 1986. In a comparison between schools on how schools actually have allocated resources to different education purposes, the finding is that the variation is immense both in 1986 and 1995 - but in different ways. Some schools gave priority to lowering the group average while others made their priority special education teachers. In both cases there is no evidence that pupil needs had anything to do with these priorities. The lack of evaluations for pupils with special needs is the foremost problem for both those with responsibility for schools and for the implications at higher levels.

  • 212.
    Magnusson, Eva
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Psychology. Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    Rönnblom, MalinUmeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).Silius, Harriet
    Critical Studies of Gender Equalities: Nordic Dislocations, Dilemmas and Contradictions2008Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 213. Maier, Jürgen
    et al.
    Faas, Thorsten
    Rittberger, Berthold
    Fortin-Rittberger, Jessica
    Josifides, Kalliope Agapiou
    Banducci, Susan
    Bellucci, Paolo
    Blomgren, Magnus
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Brikse, Inta
    Chwedczuk-Szulc, Karol
    Lobo, Marina Costa
    Cześnik, Mikołaj
    Deligiaouri, Anastasia
    Deželan, Tomaž
    deNooy, Wouter
    Virgilio, Aldo Di
    Fesnic, Florin
    Fink-Hafner, Danica
    Grbeša, Marijana
    Greab, Carmen
    Henjak, Andrija
    Hopmann, David Nicolas
    Johann, David
    Jelenfi, Gábor
    Kavaliauskaite, Jurate
    Kmetty, Zoltan
    Kritzinger, Sylvia
    Magalhães,, Pedro C.
    Meyer, Vincent
    Mihailova, Katia
    Mirchev, Mihail
    Pitkänen, Ville
    Ramonaite, Aine
    Reidy, Theresa
    Rybar, Marek
    Sammut, Carmen
    Santana-Pereira, José
    Spurava, Guna
    Spyridou, Lia-Paschalla
    Stefanel, Adriana
    Štětka,, Václav
    Surdej, Aleksander
    Tardos, Róbert
    Trimithiotis, Dimitris
    Vezzoni, Christiano
    Világi, Aneta
    Zavecz, Gergo
    This time it's different?: Effects of the Eurovision Debate on young citizens and its consequence for EU democracy - evidence from a quasi-experiment in 24 countries2018In: Journal of European Public Policy, ISSN 1350-1763, E-ISSN 1466-4429, Vol. 25, no 4, p. 606-629Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    For the very first time in EU history, the 2014 EP elections provided citizens with the opportunity to influence the nomination of the Commission President by casting a vote for the main Europarties’ ‘lead candidates’. By subjecting the position of the Commission President to an open political contest, many experts have formulated the expectation that heightened political competition would strengthen the weak electoral connection between EU citizens and EU legislators, which some consider a root cause for the EU’s lack of public support. In particular, this contest was on display in the so-called ‘Eurovision Debate’, a televised debate between the main contenders for the Commission President broadcasted live across Europe. Drawing on a quasi-experimental study conducted in 24 EU countries, we find that debate exposure led to increased cognitive and political involvement and EU support among young citizens. Unfortunately, the debate has only reached a very small audience.

  • 214.
    Mancheva, Irina
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Which factors spur forest owners' collaboration over forest waters?2018In: Forest Policy and Economics, ISSN 1389-9341, E-ISSN 1872-7050, Vol. 91, p. 54-63Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Collaborative river basin governance has been advocated both by research and legislation, while at the same time certain silvicultural practices are shown to lead to deteriorating water quality. In order for collaboration to be initiated, however, the majority of key stakeholders must be willing to participate. This paper investigates which factors at the local level are crucial for initiating collaboration over forest waters among individual private forest owners. For that purpose, a survey was sent out to all individual forest owners within a catchment area in northern Sweden. The survey was complemented by a qualitative analysis of in-depth interviews. The existence of several key preconditions for the initiation of collaboration was investigated, namely: low belief and cultural heterogeneity, information diffusion, perception of the problem, existing stores of social capital, interdependence, and leadership. The results show that although the context was one of low belief and cultural heterogeneity, individual private forest owners are not interested in collaborating for improved forest water unless they perceive the issue of water quality important enough to invest resources in collaboration. It also became clear that the diffusion of information about the problem is not reaching those stakeholders who are crucial for the commencement of collaboration. Moreover, those stakeholders do not recognise their interdependence on each other for resolving the issue and therefore the need for collaboration. Finally, initiating leadership was also found to be lacking, leading to the conclusion that to successfully implement policies requiring collaborative management of natural resources among highly empowered individual forest owners, those missing factors need to be addressed by the state.

  • 215.
    Mineur, Eva
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Towards sustainable development: Indicators as a tool of local governance2007Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Beginning in the 1990s, sustainability indicators have rapidly been developed in different political contexts to measure progress towards reaching sustainable development. Previous research has largely focused on developing models and criteria for defining indicators in order to identify scientifically sound systems. However, sustainability indicators represent more than pure aggregated data; they represent values. This thesis takes its departure in seeing indicators as socially constructed, and aims to explore the role(s) indicators play in governance for local sustainable development. The traditional environmental policy discourse characterised by rationality and efficiency became challenged in the 1990s by the Agenda 21 discourse, emphasizing the need for citizen participation for environmental governance. Notions of efficiency and participation are, however, often in conflict since achieving participation is time consuming and efficiency requires results within short time frames. Thus, a tension in governance is created which is especially apparent at the local level and in politics relating to sustinable development.

    In this study, Sweden is seen as an extreme case in terms of implementing sustainable development policies. Swedish local authorities have been at the international forefront in developing sustainability indicators. Here, the work surrounding seven different sustainability indicator systems in three Swedish municipalities is analysed. The overall research question relates to the tension in governance: Are the sustinability indicators driven primarily by efficiency or participatory claims? The analytical framework combines two different, yet linked theoretical approaches: an institutional approach, which captures the organizational arrangements of the indicator systems; and a discourse inspired approach, shedding light on underlying notions and ‘problem’ representations embedded in the indicator systems. Interviews with politicians and local officers and written material serve as the main empirical sources.

    The analysis shows that local sustainability indicators vary to a great extent regarding their scope, which implies that sustainable development is interpreted differently depending on the local context. In general, goals linked to ‘soft’ issues like democracy, awareness raising and learning tend to be less indicated than ‘hard’ issues such as pure natural scientific measures. Oftenmost, participation is interpreted in its ‘weak’ form, that is stakeholders and citizens are being informed about political decisions taken or are invitated to attend meetings. Many politicians express concern abut participatory methods that aim for empowering citizens, claiming that this is in conflict with the idea of representative democracy. Surprisingly, the more participatory driven indicator systems have not become established in the municipal organisation despite the involvement of many different stakeholders in the developing process. In contrast, the more efficiency driven systems, have been internally anchored but involved very few external stakeholdes in the process. These latter systems are therefore most likely to be used and implemented. In general, politicians’ trust in expert knowledge in policy making is high and it is difficult to involve citizens in that process. Also, because work with sustainable development issues in general, and indicators in particular, is largely seen as projects rather than processes, the efficiency ideal prevails in local policy making – maybe not in rhetoric, but certainly in practice.

  • 216.
    Mohlin, Yngve
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Bondepartiet och det moderna samhället 1914-1936: en studie av svensk agrarianism1989Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    At the turn of the century agrarian parties emerged in large parts of Europe. The parties had one thing in common: they stood up for the social, economic, cultural, and political interests of the agrarian society. The Swedish agrarian parties - 1 Bondeförbundet ' and 'Jordbrukarnas Riksförbund1 - were formed between 1913 and 1915.In this study the agrarian parties are not considered to be class parties. Instead, they are described as traditional parties, defending the old agrarian community against expansive industrialization. Their potential voters belonged to various social strata in the agrarian community, and their political programme, often characterized by a markedly negative view of modern society and by cultural protectionism, is summarized here under the term agrarianism. Agrarianism seen as a political theory and an applicable ideology had features in common with Conservatism as well as with Fascism and Socialism. Liberal values, however, were kept in the background.A modernization perspective is adopted in order to demonstrate that the agrarian parties were in fact traditional parties. It is assumed that regional variation in the electoral support of the agrarian parties reflects the modernization process, and, consequently, that the parties were weaker in industrial areas and stronger in socially and economically backward areas.The empirical studies show that the Agrarian parties stand out as traditional parties rather than class parties. Their voter support was stronger in areas where the historical and economic development was characterized by stagnation and conservatism, as well as in areas where social mobilization advanced slowly. In more industrialized and modernized areas conditions were quite the opposite. A study of Swedish interwar agrarianism with special regard to regional variations in party strength proves the agrarian parties to be the inheritors of a way of life formed by centuries of agrarian traditions.

  • 217. Müller, Wolfgang C
    et al.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Strøm, Kaare
    Coalition theory and cabinet governance: an introduction2008In: Cabinets and coalition bargaining: The democratic life cycle in Western Europe / [ed] Kaare Strøm, Wolfgang C Müller and Torbjörn Bergman, Oxford: Oxford University Press , 2008, 1Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 218. Nilsson, Annika E.
    et al.
    Eklund, Niklas
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Jürisoo, Marie
    Klimenko, Ekaterina
    van der Watt, Lize-Marié
    Umeå University, Arctic Research Centre at Umeå University.
    Regional futures nested in global structures2019In: The politics of Arctic resources: change and continuity in the "Old North" of Northern Europe / [ed] Carina H. Keskitalo, Abingdon: Routledge, 2019, 1, p. 221-239Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Chapter 12 places the development of northernmost Europe into a context of global change. It discusses the extent to which global shifts in resource markets, geopolitical reasoning and situations, and climate change may influence the region. Drawing on local scenario workshops, amongst other things, the chapter illustrates uncertainties about potential futures even in development paths where future change can largely be seen as related to established and relatively enduring features of the present system.

  • 219.
    Nilsson, Mikaela
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kallar du mig passiv?: En studie av DN:s framställning av de arbetslösa2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 220.
    Norberg, Joakim
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ideologiska mål och utrikesdebatt: Svenska riksdagspartiers argumentation i Vietnam- och Irakfrågan2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    It is rather often assumed that Swedish foreign policy debate is largely characterized by consensus and that foreign policy goals often are material (for example security or economic welfare). Despite this, it is possible to identify disagreement among political parties about ideological goals – i.e. the promotion of values – in Swedish foreign policy debates. This raises questions about the nature and importance of these ideological goals in such debates. To study this closer I investigate foreign policy debates about the military conflicts in Vietnam and Iraq. The purpose of the dissertation is to describe and explain the content and relative importance of the ideological goals expressed by Swedish parliamentary parties in both party and public arenas. Four parties are included in the study: the Left, the Social Democrats, the Liberals and the Conservatives.

    The theoretical framework is made up of two main parts. First, I develop a classification scheme to identify and sort the goals found in the empirical material. This scheme includes four goal types: ideological, security, economic, and other. Second, insights from literatures on foreign policy and the behaviour of political parties are used to analyze the content and importance of ideological goals.

    The research design used in the dissertation is comparative case studies. The empirical material is composed of documents from the internal party arena (meeting minutes, congress material, etc), the parliamentary arena (debate material) and the official arena (press material). The material has been analyzed mainly qualitatively with the help of ideational and argument analysis. In order to estimate the relative importance of ideological goals quantitative content analysis has also been used.

    As regards the content of ideological goals during debates about Vietnam, the empirical results show all parties discussed the promotion of humanity, democracy and states’ rights to national independence. In the Iraq conflict, all parties expressed goals about humanity, human rights, internal security/safety, democracy and states’ rights to national independence. Beyond these goals, individual or a few parties also expressed other ideological goals. However, a central result is that the parties have linked the ideological goals – which they often agree about – to different ways of reasoning.

    The empirical analysis also revealed that ideological goals have generally been more important than other types of goals (with the exception of the Conservative Party in the debate about Vietnam). Regarding developments over time, the importance of ideological goals was unchanged for the Social Democrats and the Liberal Party. For the Left there was a slight decrease, and for the Conservatives a significant increase.

    The overall conclusion about what explains the content and importance of ideological goals in the foreign policy debates studied here is that explanations at the systemic level are inadequate. Variables like the international political structure (polarity) and institutional mechanisms in the EU and the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy had little explanatory power. Instead, explanations like type of foreign policy issue, party ideology and party strategy were more useful. Differences in parties’ fundamental ideological views were also discussed as an important source of difference as regards the positions and arguments that expressed ideological goals.

  • 221.
    Nordenstam, Annika
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Eckerberg, Katarina
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kommunalt naturskydd i lokala naturvårdssatsningen (LONA)2011Report (Other academic)
  • 222.
    Novak, Judit
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för pedagogik, didaktik och utbildningsstudier.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of applied educational science, Umeå Centre for Evaluation Research (UCER).
    Juridification of examination systems: extending state level authority over teacher assessments through regrading of national tests2017In: Journal of education policy, ISSN 0268-0939, E-ISSN 1464-5106, Vol. 32, no 5, p. 673-693Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Since 2009, the Swedish Government uses an ‘audit’ agency – the Swedish Schools Inspectorate – to monitor and assess the accuracy with which teachers grade student responses on national tests. This study explores the introduction and subsequent establishment of the Inspectorate’s regrading programme as an example of political management of the tensions between competition and equity inherent in neoliberal regulatory regimes. The programme is considered a case for examining contemporary policies and discourses on fairness and government actions undertaken to resolve issues of unfair assessment and safeguard students’ rights. Work of Carol Bacchi forms part of the theoretical background for the investigation of problem representations around and within the programme. The article demonstrates how discursive practices in the fields of government, audit and media have worked to frame teachers’ assessments as incorrect, unfair and as jeopardizing the credibility of the grading system, thus justifying increased central control and authority over teacher assessments. As such, the regrading programme contributed to increased mistrust in teacher professionalism. A legal discourse is identified, and we argue the examination system is being juridified where the abundance of control over knowledge risks turning into a deficit of that same knowledge.

  • 223.
    Nyström, Daniel
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Det beslöjade partiet: En diskursanalys avsverigedemokratiska texter2014Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The Veiled Party: A Discourse Analysis of Sweden Democratic Texts aims to further the understanding of the underlying ideology of the Sweden Democratic party, by revealing whether or not there is any ideological content that include race, racialization, and racism in the party’s political texts. The study offers a background description of the discursive change in the social and political climate of debate in Sweden, which opened a policy window for xenophobic agenda setting. In addition, the study delivers a presentation of the public debate regarding the Sweden Democrats, as well as statements by party representatives.Through a social constructionist and discourse analytic framework, the study aims at understanding how the application of racial ideas are done and mapped. The core of the theoretical framework is a critical race and whiteness theoretical approach. Throughout the study, race is treated as a social construct. Furthermore, a presentation is made of the theoretical arguments on an essentialist view of culture and its changing discourse, imbuing culture with the same functions as the concept of race in relation to (biological) racism. It is a reduction of man to a vessel of spiritual, transferrable cultural characteristics, which through racialization becomes embodied categories. The analysis of the texts shows that the party is imbued with essentialist beliefs regarding culture, nation, and people. The human essence is perceived as being passed down through the generations in an undefined and mysterious manner, and equips people with the same meaning as the mystical concept of racial souls. The Sweden Democrats’ ideological reasoning thus creates a concept of culture that becomes a functional synonym to the idea of race.

  • 224.
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    Beyond the Buzzwords: Approaches to Gender in Humanitarian Aid2016Report (Other academic)
  • 225.
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Claiming rights in exile: women's insurgent citizenship practices in the Thai-Myanmar borderlands2019In: Citizenship Studies, ISSN 1362-1025, E-ISSN 1469-3593Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper examines insurgent citizenship practices employed by activists in the exiled Burmese women's movement from the 1990s and onwards. Consisting of political exiles, refugees and ethnic insurgents, this movement has successfully used the transnational, transitory space of the borderlands to constitute its participants as political subjects with legitimate claims to rights, citizenship and leadership. Drawing on interviews, this analysis interrogates women's activism through the lens of insurgent citizenship practices. Thus, how have Burmese women's activists claimed rights and lived citizenship in exile? Three main strategies are examined: firstly, women activists have positioned themselves as political actors and authorities through involvement in governance and humanitarian aid delivery in refugee camps. Secondly, they have claimed rights and political subjectivity through engagement with international norms, networks and arenas. Thirdly, they have claimed citizenship and political influence in oppositional nation-making projects through engaging with and negotiating ethno-nationalist armed struggles. The analysis highlights the multifaceted nature of women's insurgent citizenship practices, showing how they navigate multiple marginalized subject positions, direct their rights claims towards multiple governing authorities, and enact multiple political communities.

  • 226.
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    Displacing Equality?: Women’s Participation and Humanitarian Aid Effectiveness in Refugee Camps2014In: Refugee Survey Quarterly, ISSN 1020-4067, E-ISSN 1471-695X, Vol. 33, no 3, p. 93-117Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In humanitarian aid policy and practice, the importance of women’s participation is strongly emphasised. However, this article argues that women’s participation has become an instrument for optimising the efficiency and effectiveness of humanitarian operations rather than a tool for the promotion of gender equality. Drawing on the Foucauldian concept of governmentality, the article examines how women’s participation is represented and employed as a means to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of humanitarian aid in two refugee camp contexts, in Bangladesh and in Thailand, and asks how such strategies affect the gendered relations of power that shape women’s lives in the camps. Based on interviews with humanitarian workers, the analysis shows that programmes that promote women’s participation as a means for the achievement of other goals can reinforce existing gender inequalities, but also, despite their constraining effects, contribute to open up new opportunities for women. However, equality is treated as a side effect, not a goal in its own right. In conclusion, the article suggests that renewed engagement with the political project of feminism is needed to counter the de-politisation and instrumentalisation of gender in humanitarian aid, and bring the goals of equality and justice back in.

  • 227.
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    Gender Equality and Neo-liberal Governmentality in Refugee Camps2013In: St. Antony's International Review (STAIR), ISSN 1746-451X, E-ISSN 1746-4528, Vol. 9, no 1, p. 53-69Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent decades, humanitarian aid to refugees has increasingly employed neo-liberal forms of governing that are characterized by an emphasis on accountability, measurement of performance, and the decentralization of responsibility for welfare. This paper examines the implications of the neo-liberalization of the international refugee regime for humanitarian aspirations to promote gender equality, and argues that neo-liberal strategies and practices of government fundamentally shape the meaning of gender equality,equality and the organization of its promotion in humanitarian aid to refugees. This paper e analysis draws on a Foucauldian governmentality perspective, and, based on interviews with humanitarian workers, shows how neo-liberal technologies of government are employed in gender equality programmes in refugee camps in Thailand and Bangladesh. The paper concludes that neo-liberal forms of gender equality promotion have a number of problematic effects: the meaning of gender equality becomes superficial and instrumental, and international “expertise” is privileged at the expense of refugee ownership, when gender equality is constructed as a technical, administrative issue rather than an issue of power and politics.

     

     

  • 228.
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    Governing Refugees through Gender Equality: Care, Control, Emancipation2014Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent decades, international feminist activism and research has had significant success in pushing gender issues onto the international agenda and into global governance institutions and processes. The goal of gender equality is now widely accepted and codified in international legal instruments. While this appears to be a remarkable global success for feminism, widespread gender inequalities persist around the globe. This paradox has led scholars to question the extent to which feminist concepts and goals can retain their transformative potential when they are institutionalized in global governance institutions and processes. This thesis examines the institutionalization of feminist ideas in global governance through an analysis of how, and with what effects, gender equality norms are constructed, interpreted and applied in the global governance of refugees: a field that has thus far received little attention in the growing literature on feminism, gender and global governance. This aim is pursued through a case study of humanitarian aid practices in refugee camps in Bangladesh and Thailand. The study is based on interviews with humanitarian workers in these two contexts, and its theoretical framework is informed by postcolonial feminist theory and Foucauldian thought on power and governing. These analytical perspectives allows the thesis to capture how gender equality norms operate as governing tools, and situate the politics of gender equality in refugee camps in the context of global relations of power and marginalization. The findings of this thesis show that in the global governance of refugees, gender equality is rarely treated as a goal in its own right. The construction, interpretation and application of gender equality norms is mediated and shaped by the dominant governing projects in this field. Gender equality norms are either advocated on the basis of their usefulness as means for the efficient management of refugee situations, or as necessary components of a process of modernization and development of the regions from which refugees originate. These governing projects significantly limit the forms of social change and the forms of agency that are enabled. Nevertheless, gender equality norms do contribute to opening up new opportunities for refugee women and destabilizing local gendered relations of power, and they are appropriated and used by refugees in ways that challenge and go beyond humanitarian agendas.

  • 229.
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Political space in refugee camps: enabling and constraining conditions for refugee agency2018In: Political participation in Asia: defining and deploying political space / [ed] Eva Hansson and Meredith L. Weiss, London: Routledge, 2018, p. 169-187Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Millions of people in Asia live in refugee camps. Given this, what are the opportunities for political participation for refugees living in camps? This chapter addresses this question through an analysis of two refugee camp situations in Asia, in Thailand and Bangladesh. It examines how government policies, humanitarian aid practices, and forms of refugee mobilization and organization shape refugees' opportunities for political participation in these two contexts. The analysis of the cases demonstrates that while refugee camps are sites for repression and control, they can also become sites of resistance and political mobilization.

  • 230.
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sites of Repression and Resistance: Political Space in Refugee Camps in Thailand2017In: Critical Asian studies (Print), ISSN 1467-2715, E-ISSN 1472-6033, Vol. 43, no 3, p. 289-307Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Refugee camps are frequently perceived as spaces of emergency and exception. However, they are also spaces where millions of people live their everyday lives, sometimes for extended periods of time. As such, refugee camps are political spaces where struggles over the right to influence life in the camps and shape how they are governed are continuously ongoing. In this context, what are the opportunities for political participation for refugees living in camps? How and to what extent are refugees able to carve out political space where they can engage with and affect their lives and their situations? This paper addresses these questions through an analysis of refugee camps in Thailand. Drawing on Foucauldian analytics, the analysis demonstrates how key strategies employed to govern refugees, namely spatial confinement and development interventions are also creatively subverted by refugees and appropriated as bases for resistance and political mobilization. The article provides new insights into the relationship between power and resistance, demonstrating how specific technologies of governance create opportunities for subversion, reinterpretation, and appropriation.

  • 231.
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hedström, Jenny
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Militarized Nationalism as a Platform for Feminist Mobilization?: The Case of the Exiled Burmese Women’s Movement2019In: Women's Studies: International Forum, ISSN 0277-5395, E-ISSN 1879-243X, Vol. 76, article id 102263Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Feminist scholars have convincingly demonstrated how militarism and nationalism rely on the (re)production of gendered hierarchies. As a result, feminism is often assumed to be at odds with these political projects. In this article, we demonstrate that this is not always and not necessarily the case: in contrast, militarized nationalism may even constitute fertile ground for the mobilization of feminist organization and activism. We make this argument drawing on an in-depth case study of the emergence and evolution of an exiled Burmese women's movement from within armed ethno-nationalist struggles in the borderlands of Myanmar. Drawing on interviews with women activists, we examine when and how militarized nationalism can provide a space from which feminist agendas can be articulated and successfully pursued. This case demonstrates that militarized nationalism does not only have the potential to mobilize women's participation, but can provide a platform for feminist organization and activism that transcends, challenges, and eventually reshapes militarized nationalist projects in ways that advance women's rights and equality. These findings call into question generalized assumptions about the conflictual relationship between feminism, militarism and nationalism, and contributes to advance feminist debates about women's mobilization in contexts of armed conflicts and nationalist struggles.

  • 232.
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    Rönnblom, Malin
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    In the business of feminism: consultants as Sweden’s new gender-equality workers2019In: European Journal of Politics and Gender, ISSN 2515-1088, Vol. 2, no 1, p. 75-92Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Gender-equality work in Sweden is increasingly carried out by private consultancy firms. In this article, we explore the rationalities that govern Swedish market-based gender-equality policy through an analysis of the subject positions that are made available to gender-equality consultants. The article is an adapted version of our published work in Swedish. We analyse what types of agency these positions enable and preclude, as well as how they shape the meaning of gender equality and the content of gender-equality work. While market logics constrain the space for critical analysis and cause gender equality to be subordinated to other goals, consultants nevertheless find ways to resist these tendencies in pursuit of transformative change.

  • 233. Olschewski, Roland
    et al.
    Sandström, Camilla
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kasymov, Ulan
    Johansson, Johanna
    Fürst, Christine
    Ring, Irene
    Policy Forum: Challenges and opportunities in developing new forest governance systems: insights from the IPBES assessment for Europe and Central Asia2018In: Forest Policy and Economics, ISSN 1389-9341, E-ISSN 1872-7050, Vol. 97, p. 175-179Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 234.
    Olsson, Mats-Olov
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Centre for Regional Science (CERUM).
    Continuity and change: institutions and transition in the Russian forest sector2008Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    For reasons having to do with the Soviet resource allocation model, many Russian forest sector enterprises were miserably unfit to meet the market competition that started to emerge after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. To avoid bankruptcy and stay alive in Russia's transition towards a market-like system many enterprises chose to engage in non-monetary transactions, thus establishing what has become known as Russia's virtual economy. The peculiar institutions ("rules-in-use") guiding actors' behaviour in this odd system are incompatible with the operation of efficient markets.

    The topics discussed in this book can be framed through the following questions: What is the general role of institutions in the on-going changes in Russian society? Are there institutions that hamper the transition process towards democracy and a market economy? If so, how do they hamper this process? How can such institutions be changed to better serve the needs of the emerging market system? These and similar questions are addressed from several different but related perspectives in a number of studies of actors' behaviour in the Russian timber procurement arena.

  • 235.
    Olsson, Mats-Olov
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Centre for Regional Science (CERUM).
    The Russian virtual economy turning real: institutional change in the Arkhangel’sk forest sector2008In: Europe-Asia Studies, ISSN 0966-8136, E-ISSN 1465-3427, Vol. 60, no 5, p. 707-738Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The article reports on an attempt to assess recent developments of the Russian ‘virtual economy’, a system that, some have argued, represents an alternative form of economic interaction to the modern market economy. In the virtual economy enterprises are engaged in informal non-market transactions with other enterprises and the public sector in accordance with rules that are alien to a market economy. Structural and behavioural changes that have taken place in the Russian economy after 1998 are studied with the help of official data and two surveys (from 1998 and 2005) of 15 forest sectorenterprises in Arkhangel’sk Oblast’, a region in Russia’s north-west with a largely forest-based economy. The outcome of the assessment indicates that the virtual economy is contracting in the Arkhangel’sk forest sector as well as in Russia at large, and that it will eventually disappear altogether, even if it is likely to exert a profound influence on the behaviour of Russian enterprises for some time yet.

  • 236. Overvåg, Kjell
    et al.
    Skjeggedal, Terje
    Sandström, Camilla
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Management of mountain areas in Norway and the persistence of local-national conflicts2016In: Journal of Environmental Planning and Management, ISSN 0964-0568, E-ISSN 1360-0559, Vol. 59, no 7, p. 1186-1204Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    We have investigated why conflicts linked to the distribution of power between governments and actors at the national and local levels concerning environmental management of mountain areas in Norway persist despite political intentions to strengthen local powers. We seek to explain this by analysing changes in policies, institutional frameworks, and regional contexts, and the local perceptions of these changes. Paradoxically, the national government's power has apparently been strengthened by new sectoral regulations and more stringent enforcement of the existing ones, increases in the number and extent of protected areas, and failures to act on intentions to devolve power. An additional factor spurring conflicts is the increased importance of tourism to mountain communities. To become more relevant to policies and development in mountain areas, future studies on multilevel governance must address multilevel politics, entire mountain areas, and the context of their development, rather than focusing on minor projects and protected areas.

  • 237.
    Persson, Jenny
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Vad innebär samverkan egentligen?: En studie om samverkan under översvämningen i Kramfors 20132015Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 40 credits / 60 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna studie handlar om hur krisledningsgruppen i Kramfors samverkade under översvämningen som drabbade kommunen hösten 2013. Varför en översvämning och Kramfors valdes var på grund av att det är intressant att studera samverkan efter en inträffad händelse. Dessutom är det en händelse som har skett i Västernorrland och passade bra att studera på grund av det geografiska läget. Glasbergens samverkanstrappa valdes ut som teoretiskt ramverk i uppsatsen. Den valdes då den kan användas för att förstå strukturerna inom krisledningsgruppen. Totalt finns det fem olika analysnivåer i samverkanstrappan och tre av dessa valdes ut för att analysera denna händelse, nivå två, tre och fem. Dessa nivåer innefattar bland annat vilken gemensam grund som finns i krisledningsgruppen, hur formell krisledningsgruppens samverkan är samt vilka effekter samverkan hade för gruppens fortsatta arbete. Materialet samlades in i form av intervjuer med utvalda aktörer i krisledningsgruppen. Under analysen av intervjuerna framkom det att samtliga aktörer känner ett ömsesidigt beroende gentemot varandra och att samtliga anser att det är viktigt att samverka. Vilken form av samverkan det handlade om skiljde sig mellan aktörerna. Svaren gällande frågan om rollfördelningen inom gruppen skiljde sig också. Det handlade om vem som har beslutanderätt i gruppen och om exempelvis externa aktörer ska bjudas in eller inte. Resultatet visar att aktörerna inte var överens om sin egen roll eller om det fanns någon som hade beslutanderätt i krisledningsgruppen. Detta ger frågetecken kring hur formell gruppen egentligen är. Aktörerna ansåg att samverkan och hanteringen av översvämningen fungerade bra med några få invändningar. Dessa handlade främst om hur samverkan med externa aktörer gick men även om interna faktorer som exempelvis hur snabbt mötesanteckningarna spreds vidare till förvaltningarna. De interna faktorerna har lett till förändringar i krisledningsgruppens interna arbete, alltså har översvämningen haft effekt på gruppens arbete.

  • 238.
    Roos, Katarina
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Does the address matter?: A study of neighbourhood effects on voting in a Swedish city2010Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 239.
    Roos, Katarina
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Lidström, Anders
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Local policies and local government legitimacy: The Swedish case2014In: Urban Research and Practice, ISSN 1753-5069, E-ISSN 1753-5077, Vol. 7, no 2, p. 137-152Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Do local policies improve local government legitimacy and how do different forms of legitimacy relate to each other? These questions are analysed on the basis of an extensive survey carried out in 2010 in 111 Swedish municipalities, that generated responses from approximately 50,800 citizens, and complemented with register-based background data. Local legitimacy is construed as citizens’ assessments of whether the local political system functions in an acceptable way. Distinctions are made between input legitimacy, output legitimacy related to welfare services and output legitimacy that concerns basic collective services. Controlling for other individual and municipal-level factors, policies aimed at improving input legitimacy have an effect, but it is even more important that local government delivers welfare and other services in a way that is appreciated by the citizens. Output legitimacy related to welfare services is improved by public provision of these services, but not by additional spending. On the other hand, spending on cultural institutions, leisure, roads and streets increases citizens’ appreciation of basic collective services. In addition, the study shows that all three types of local government legitimacy are empirically related to each other. Whether they enhance each other or reflect one underlying dimension calls for further time-series-based research.

  • 240.
    Rozenberg, Olivier
    et al.
    Science Po (Paris).
    Blomgren, Magnus
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Bringing Parliamentary Roles Back In2012In: Parliamentary roles in modern legislatures / [ed] Magnus Blomgren, Olivier Rozenberg, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2012, p. 211-230Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 241.
    Rönnberg, Linda
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Tid för reformering: Försöksverksamheten med slopad timplan i grundskolan2007Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In 1999, the Swedish Parliament decided to launch an experiment to test the idea of replacing, at the compulsory educational level, the national time schedule with localized control of schedules. This was in keeping with strategies of deregulation, decentralisation and increased local autonomy that had dominated Swedish education policy, particularly since the 1990s. The aim of the thesis is to describe and analyse the initiation, decision, implementation and consequences of this experiment

    The analytical framework combines several different approaches and theories from the literature on public policy and policy analysis. The framework encompasses four dimensions, which cover the experiment’s origins, local application in the classroom setting and consequences. On the empirical level, findings are based on interviews with 32 municipal school directors, and head teachers, teachers and pupils in three schools participating in the experiment, as well as written sources from schools, municipalities, and the national level.

    The thesis shows that the policy problem the experiment was intended to resolve was represented in an inconsistent manner: On the one hand, the experiment was perceived as a driving force for change; on the other hand, it was seen as legitimising a change that had already taken place. Furthermore, the experiment was formulated in vague terms, which accorded far-reaching discretionary space to the schools. The program’s causal theory expressed by the policy makers was complex, containing a multifaceted chain of presumptions on a range of activities and processes through which the experiment ultimately would lead to improved opportunities for pupils to reach the educational objectives. Empirically, this prediction proved to be invalid as student achievement did not increase.

    The degree of implementation at the local level varied according to the comprehension, capability and willingness of those involved to carry out the experiment. The courses of action taken by the schools frequently could have been undertaken within the existing legislative framework, as they mostly concerned new ways of working and organising staff and pupils. An assessment of the objectives attained showed that, even if elements of developmental work corresponding to the direction stated in the policy documents were observed, the experiment did not emerge as the primary explanatory factor for this result Thus, the net impact of the experiment can be questioned. If judged against the criterion of adaptiveness, the results are more successful than if the experiment is assessed according to goal-attainment and the validity of the program theory. The experiment was found to integrate, alter and accommodate itself readily to local needs.

    The thesis illustrates the complexity of formulating and implementing policy in a decentralised context and points to important aspects in the historical background of the programme, which often tend to be overlooked when policy is analysed and discussed. At the same time, the study sheds light on the significant role played by street-level implementation actors in the educational context.

  • 242.
    Rönnblom, Malin
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    De-politicising gender?: Constructions of gender equality in Swedish regional policy2008In: Critical studies of gender equalities: Nordic dislocations, dilemmas and contradictions, Göteborg: Makadam , 2008, 1, p. 112-134Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 243.
    Rönnblom, Malin
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ett eget rum?: Kvinnors organisering möter etablerad politik2002Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the relationship between women’s organising and established politics in three Swedish municipalities, and by way of this analysis study the construction of gender power orders. In the analysis, special emphasis is put on women’s agency. By posing questions to activists and local politicians concerning their opinions about women’s organising, the positions of women in established politics, and the concept of gender-equality, the ambition is to illuminate constructions of local gender power orders. The analysis is mainly based on interviews with activists, local politicians, and local administrators in the municipalities of Berg, Kiruna, and Robertsfors.

    Theoretically, the dissertation is influenced mainly by feminist theory of gender power relations and women’s agency, for example the work of Maud Eduards, and the theories about power and resistance developed by Michel Foucault. Carol Bacchi’s “What’s the problem?” approach is used when analysing the opinions of activists and politicians regarding the issue of gender-equality. In this approach, the way of constructing problems is the key, not “the problem” as such. The point is to constantly question phenomena that are defined as natural or self-evident, or, in other words, to deconstruct dominating discourses.

    When the interviews with the politicians were analysed with the ambition of discerning a dominant discourse of gender power, five limiting principles became visible; essential (in biological terms) differences between women and men, figures and complementarity, reduction, voluntariness, and co-operation. The principle of differences appears to be central, and all the principles place questions of gender-equality on the labour market. The “gap” between activists and politicians regarding the way in which gender is constructed is put forward as the main reason why women’s organising meets resistance from the sphere of local, established politics. This gap is also the central ingredient in the construction of the three local gender power orders, even if there are also other differences between the three.

    Key words: Women’s organising, women’s movement, gender-equality, rural areas, local politics, gender and politics, feminist theory

  • 244.
    Rönnblom, Malin
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    Var tog politiken vägen? Regionalpolitikens organisering som exempel på statens förändrade former2008In: Tidskrift för genusvetenskap, ISSN 1654-5443, no 1, p. 31-54Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 245.
    Rönnblom, Malin
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    Eduards, Maud
    Genusperspektiv på statsvetenskap2008Book (Other academic)
  • 246.
    Rönnblom, Malin
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS). Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap, Karlstads universitet.
    Sandberg, Linda
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS).
    Görandet av den jämställda staden: Projektpolitikens förändringspotential2017In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 119, no 3, p. 413-439Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Based on present planning projects in the city of Umeå, Sweden, we will in this paper study how imaginaries of the gender equal city is presented, filled with meaning and used in place marketing with the overall ambition to discuss the possibilities and pitfalls of what we call the gender equality planning strategy. The aim of the paper is to discuss the possibilities for changing gendered power relations, as well as other power relations related to class, race and sexuality through an analysis of local initiatives for a good city. The material consists of a case study with a focuson planning projects aiming at creating equal cities, such as improving accessibility in public space, gender aware analyses of the city’s symbols and decorations etc., and includes analyses of interviews, policy documents and media reports. The theoretical framework draws on the discussion of politicization and de-politicisation(Mouffe 2005) in relation to neo-liberal forms of rule where place-making and place-branding are rationalities that risk moving conflicting dimensions in society outside both planning and politics overall.

  • 247.
    Rönnbäck, Ann-Sofi
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    ECOWAS and West Africa's Future: Problems or possibilities?2008Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    West Africa is a region characterized by problems and possibilities. Protracted civil wars, coup d’etats, the majority of the population living in poverty, extensive supplies of natural resources, post-conflict reconstruction and attempts to achieve regional cooperation are all parts of West Africa’s past and current situation. The region is also of importance for global actors such as China, US and the EU in their need to secure present and future supplies of strategically important natural resources. These, and other, circumstances can be assumed to influence future developments in the region. The main purpose of the study presented in the paper is to map out historic and current developments within the ECOWAS cooperation framework in order to discuss potential longterm developments. Possible future developments in West Africa can be divided into three alternative scenarios: a catastrophe scenario, a business as usual scenario and a best case scenario. Pros and cons of each alternative are presented and evaluated in the paper.

  • 248.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. 1982.
    Different Types of Participation in Constitution Making Processes: Towards a Conceptualization2016In: Southern African Journal of Policy and Development, ISSN 2411-5479, Vol. 2, no 2, p. 18-28Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Though participatory constitution making processes in post-conflict states and in states transitioning from authoritarian rule have become a new trend, scholarly research has yet to approach the notion of participation in a sharp and distinct way. In this article, I develop a novel approach for differentiating participation in constitution making, depending on the extent of influence that participants are granted, illustrating this reasoning with eight empirical cases from the African continent.

  • 249.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. 1982.
    Negotiating the Post-Revolution Constitution for Tunisia – Members of the National Constituent Assembly Share Their Experiences2018In: International Law Research, ISSN 1927-5234, Vol. 7, no 1, p. 235-246Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Though the Tunisian transition to democracy faces challenges seven years following the 2011 revolution and four years following the enactment of the new constitution, the country still constitutes a ‘success story’, especially in comparison to neighbouring states that were also touched by the Arab Uprisings. This paper takes an interest in exploring the Tunisian constitution-making process, and especially the political elite negotiated compromises that took place in the National Constituent Assembly. How were Tunisian religious and secular political forces able to unite and compromise on a constitutional document; what motivated their actions during the constitutional talks? Ideologies, rational pragmatism, self-serving interests or something else? This is a pertinent question that has bearing for other states that are in transition from authoritarian rule, in which religious and secular political parties are struggling to draft the political rules of the game anew. This is a qualitative study, based on interviews with political representatives, from a broad range of Tunisian political parties, who were part of the constitutional negotiations. Their responses suggest that pragmatism and rationality took precedence over ideological positions during the negotiations, and that this was indispensable for a draft to be produced. Despite this, the study argues that ideologies were likely not irrelevant in the minds of the political elites who were negotiating the post-revolution constitution, and that previous agreements and discussions among these elites that were, in fact, based on ideological positions, facilitated the constitutional negotiations that took place in the aftermath of the ousting of Ben-Ali

  • 250.
    Saati, Abrak
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Participatory constitution-building in Nepal: a comparison of the 2008-2012 and the 2013-2015 process2017In: Journal of Politics and Law, ISSN 1913-9047, E-ISSN 1913-9055, Vol. 10, no 4, p. 29-39Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Participatory constitution-building is a trend that appears to be here to stay; particularly when new constitutions are drafted in the aftermath of war or during transitions from authoritarian to democratic rule. Anticipations as to what the involvement of the public will achieve are several, and scholars are only recently starting to systematically investigate whether or not these expectations find empirical support. Previous research has shown that public participation in the making of the constitution can have certain positive effects at an individual level of analysis, but that the actions of political elites during constitutional negotiations might affect outcomes at a macro level of analysis more than what has hitherto be acknowledged in this strand of research. Nepal is one of the most recent cases of participatory constitution-building, and the country carried out not only one, but two, such processes within a time period of only seven years. The first resulted in failure as a draft constitution was never finalized; the other in success with the adoption of a constitution in 2015. This article takes an interest in exploring and comparing these two separate processes as regards the extent of public participation vis-à-vis political elite negotiations and bargaining behind closed doors. The article finds that what primarily sets the two processes apart, is how broad based public participation and secluded elite negotiations were sequenced. In light of other empirical examples, the article also discusses if elite bargains ought to be struck before the general public are invited to participate.

234567 201 - 250 of 308
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf