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  • 51.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of applied educational science, Umeå Centre for Evaluation Research (UCER).
    Justice through school inspection?: Educational equity in Swedish schools2014Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper explores representations of high expectations for justice and equality in educational outcomes in the neo-liberal educational regime of individualisation, marketization and increased central state control. At the centre of the paper is a study of national school inspection reports and how they construct educational success or failure in relation to teachers’ high/low expectations and socio-political and school-market context and conditions. The paper focuses on constructions of accountability in terms of ‘the politics of blame’ (Thrupp 1998) and the role of social class, gender and race given school achievement in a Swedish educational system that for decades have emphasised universal welfare, justice and equality. However, the marketization of Swedish education since the 1990s, with school choice, competition and independent schools, seems to have pushed back issues of justice and equality.  In this light, increased state control through national school inspection can be seen as part of an audit explosion (Power 1997) where inspection is made the solution to several ‘problems’ in education, for instance, to allocate blame for the perceived school ‘crisis’ of decreasing results and equality. By drawing on the literature of marketization and the wider audit society, the paper explores equality and justice in embedded contexts.

    Methods

    A diverse case selection (Gerring 2007) of five municipalities has been made based on inspections in 2011/2012; geography; and municipal size in order to make sure some independent schools were included. From the five selected municipals, regular inspection reports of secondary municipal schools and secondary independent schools that provides year nine, have been analysed. This has resulted in inspection reports from a total of 127 schools, including 33 independent schools plus five municipal reports. In close readings of the texts focus has been placed on how different schools are represented, in what ways, if any, socio-political and school-market context and conditions is attended to and how different subjects are positioned in relation to articulations of justice, equality and achievement.

     Expected outcomes

    In the paper, I argue that by marginalising and not discussing issues of socio-political context or the impact that competition has on schools, accountability and blame remains individualised, downgrading ideas of equality and justice. Although, the representations and constructions of gender, social class and race are criticised in articulations of low expectations, the effort not to blame students, tend to ignore the structural aspects and resilience of racist and sexist discourse when individual teachers are meant to just raise their expectations. While educational gaps and equality in terms of gender are often discussed, differences in relation to social class are silenced. Social class seems to be racialized as the only legitimate argument for ‘failure’ is positioning the student group as ‘newly arrived immigrants’. This serves to legitimize and uphold the neo-liberal educational order of individualised blame, difference, hierarchy and competition. 

  • 52.
    Coe, Anna-Britt
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Medicine, Department of Public Health and Clinical Medicine.
    Vandegrift, Darcie
    Youth Politics and Culture in Contemporary Latin America: A Review2015In: Latin American Politics and Society, ISSN 1531-426X, E-ISSN 1548-2456, Vol. 57, no 2, p. 132-153Article, review/survey (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Youth politics in contemporary Latin America diverge from those of previous generations. Increasingly decoupled from parties, unions, and the state, young people glide seamlessly across previously assumed boundaries: culture and politics, individual and organization, subjectivity and collectivity, virtual and real. This article presents findings from a systematic review of research on youth politics and demonstrates the new direction through three main categories: repression, incorporation, and exclusion, relationships between state institutions and youth identities; generational, cultural, and digital lenses, the innovative trends for theorizing current patterns of youth politics; and unsettling politics, the fusion and diffusion of youth political dexterity. The article concludes by highlighting current strengths and proposing future steps to build on this new direction.

  • 53.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Department of historical, philosophical and religious studies.
    GenEtica Reproducerii. Politici ale moralităţii şi moralitatea politicilor [The GenEthics of Reproduction. Policies of morality and the morality of policies]2007Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The book comprises three parts: (1) a general presentation and analysis of the main relevant concepts: bioethics, human genetic engineering, eugenics, disability and, particularly, of the relations between these; (2) the analysis of two documents of the Council of Europe (the so called “Bioethics Convention” and its first protocol), and the reconstruction of the debates surrounding their primary concerns: human dignity and rights in relation to the prospect of human genetic engineering; and (3) the analysis of a Romanian draft law on human assisted reproduction and of the Romanian legislative endeavours and debates regarding human genetic engineering.

  • 54.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Faculty of Political Science, National School of Political Studies and Public Administration, Bucharest, Romania / NSPSPA, Bucharest .
    Looking for the meaning of dignity in the bioethics convention and the cloning protocol2005In: Health Care Analysis, ISSN 1065-3058, E-ISSN 1573-3394, Vol. 13, no 4, p. 303-313Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper is focused on the analysis of two documents (the Council of Europe's Bioethics Convention and the Additional Cloning Protocol) inasmuch as they refer to the relationship between human dignity and human genetic engineering. After presenting the stipulations of the abovementioned documents, I will review various proposed meanings of human dignity and will try to identify which of these seem to be at the core of their underlying assumptions. Is the concept of dignity proposed in the two documents coherent? Is it morally legitimate? Is it, as some might assume, of Kantian origin? Does it have any philosophical roots?

  • 55.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Department of Philosophy, University of Gothenburg.
    On a Romanian attempt to legislate on medically assisted human reproduction2008In: Bioethics, ISSN 0269-9702, E-ISSN 1467-8519, Vol. 22, no 1, p. 56-63Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The paper presents and briefly analyses some of the provisions of a Romanian legislative proposal which arrived at the Presidency for ratification twice, in slightly different forms, and which was rejected twice: the first time at the Presidency in October 2004, and the second at the Constitutional Court in July 2005. The proposal was finally dropped in February 2006. My intention here is to point to some of the most problematic deficiencies of the legislative document in the hope that this may assist with future debates and regulations on assisted reproduction either in Romania or elsewhere. I have isolated the features to be discussed under two headings: (1) whose are the rights to reproduce, that the document claimed to 'acknowledge, regulate and guarantee' and (2) what is the status of the embryo, the child and the surrogate mother?

  • 56.
    Cutas, Daniela
    School of Law, University of Manchester, UK.
    Postmenopausal motherhood: immoral, illegal? A case study2007In: Bioethics, ISSN 0269-9702, E-ISSN 1467-8519, Vol. 21, no 8, p. 458-463Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The paper explores the ethics of post-menopausal motherhood by looking at the case of Adriana Iliescu, the oldest woman ever to have given birth (so far). To this end, I will approach the three most common objections brought against the mother and/or against the team of healthcare professionals who made it happen: the age of the mother, the fact that she is single, the appropriateness of her motivation and of that of the medical team.

  • 57.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Department of historical, philosophical and religious studies.
    Reglementarea reproducerii asistate în România. O analiză critică a legii 217/20032005Report (Other academic)
  • 58.
    Cutas, Daniela
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Department of historical, philosophical and religious studies.
    Bortolotti, Lisa
    University of Birmingham, Department of Philosophy.
    Natural versus Assisted Reproduction: In Search of Fairness2010In: Studies in Ethics, Law, and Technology, ISSN 1941-6008, E-ISSN 1941-6008, Vol. 4, no 1, p. 1-18Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this paper, we are concerned with the ethical implications of the distinction between natural reproduction (via sexual intercourse) and reproduction that requires assistance (either medical or social). We argue that the current practice of enforcing regulations on the latter but not on the former means of reproduction is ethically unjustified. It is not defensible to tolerate parental ignorance or abuse in natural reproduction and subsequently in natural parenting, whilst submitting assisted reproduction and parenting to invasive scrutiny. Our proposal is to guarantee equal (ethical and legal) treatment to people engaging in either form of reproduction or parenting.

  • 59.
    Cutas, Daniela
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Department of historical, philosophical and religious studies. Department for Health, Ethics and Society, Maastricht University, and The Department of Philosophy, Linguistics and Theory of Science, University of Gothenburg , Sweden.
    Chan, SarahUniversity of Manchester, Institute for Ethics, Science and Innovation.
    Families - Beyond the Nuclear Ideal2012Collection (editor) (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This book examines, through a multi-disciplinary lens, the possibilities offered by relationships and family forms that challenge the nuclear family ideal, and some of the arguments that recommend or disqualify these as legitimate units in our societies. That children should be conceived naturally, born to and raised by their two young, heterosexual, married to each other, genetic parents; that this relationship between parents is also the ideal relationship between romantic or sexual partners; and that romance and sexual intimacy ought to be at the core of our closest personal relationships - all these elements converge towards the ideal of the nuclear family. The authors consider a range of relationship and family structures that depart from this ideal: polyamory and polygamy, single and polyparenting, parenting by gay and lesbian couples, as well as families created through current and prospective modes of assisted human reproduction such as surrogate motherhood, donor insemination, and reproductive cloning.

  • 60.
    Cutas, Daniela
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Department of historical, philosophical and religious studies.
    Munthe, Christian
    University of Gothenburg, Department of Philosophy, Linguistics and Theory of Science.
    Legal imperialism in the regulation of stem cell research and therapy: the problem of extraterritorial jurisdiction2010In: Contested Cells: Global Perspectives on the Stem Cell Debates / [ed] B. Capps and A. Campbell, Singapore and London: World Scientific and Imperial College Press , 2010Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 61.
    Dolezal, Martin
    et al.
    Department of Government, University of Vienna.
    Hellström, Johan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The radical right as drivning force in the electoral arena?2016In: Politicising Europe: integration and mass politics / [ed] Swen Hutter, Edgar Grande, Hanspeter Kriesi, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016, p. 156-180Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 62. Dressel, Sabrina
    et al.
    Ericsson, Göran
    Sandström, Camilla
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Mapping social-ecological systems to understand the challenges underlying wildlife management2018In: Environmental Science and Policy, ISSN 1462-9011, E-ISSN 1873-6416, Vol. 84, p. 105-112Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A holistic understanding of the complex interactions between humans, wildlife, and habitats is essential for the design of sustainable wildlife policies. This challenging task requires innovative and interdisciplinary research approaches. Using the newly implemented ecosystem-based management of moose (Alces alces) in Sweden as a case, we applied Ostrom’s social-ecological system (SES) framework to analyse the challenges that wildlife management faces throughout the country. We combined data derived from natural and social science research to operationalize the framework in a quantitative way; an approach that enabled a spatially explicit analysis on the national and regional levels. This study aimed to discover patterns in the social-ecological context of Swedish moose management. Identifying these patterns can provide input for an in-depth evaluation of the institutional fit of the current system and subsequently for national policy development. Our SES maps suggest that there are spatial variations in factors challenging moose management. In some areas, ecological aspects such as the co-occurrence of carnivores and other ungulate species burdens future management, while in other regions challenges are shaped by governance aspects, e.g. diverse property rights. These findings demonstrate that the new management system must apply adaptive learning principles to respond to local context attributes in order to be successful. Our innovative approach provides a valuable tool for the assessment of other natural resource management issues and the avoidance of panacea traps, especially when repeated over time.

  • 63.
    Duit, Andreas
    et al.
    Stockholm Resilience Centre, Stockholm University, Sweden.
    Galaz, Victor
    Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, Sweden.
    Eckerberg, Katarina
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ebbesson, Jonas
    Faculty of Law, Stockholm University, Sweden.
    Governance, complexity, and resilience2010In: Global Environmental Change, ISSN 0959-3780, E-ISSN 1872-9495, Vol. 20, no 3, p. 363-368Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This special issue brings together prominent scholars to explore novel multilevel governance challenges posed by the behavior of dynamic and complex social-ecological systems. Here we expand and investigate the emerging notion of “resilience” as a perspective for understanding how societies can cope with, and develop from, disturbances and change. As the contributions to the special issue illustrate, resilience thinking in its current form contains substantial normative and conceptual difficulties for the analysis of social systems. However, a resilience approach to governance issues also shows a great deal of promise as it enables a more refined understanding of the dynamics of rapid, interlinked and multiscale change. This potential should not be underestimated as institutions and decision-makers try to deal with converging trends of global interconnectedness and increasing pressure on social-ecological systems.

  • 64.
    Döring, Holger
    et al.
    University of Bremen.
    Hellström, Johan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Who Gets into Government?: Coalition Formation in European Democracies2013In: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 36, no 4, p. 683-703Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates different dynamics in government formation in 16 Western and 10 Central-Eastern European democracies during the post-war period. The study provides the first systematic comparison of determinants of participation in government in the East and the West. Applying mixed effects logit regression models while taking into account missing values in the dataset, the results demonstrate substantial differences between the two regions and show that most of the existing findings about participation in government are driven by Western democracies. Policy-based factors are relevant in Western countries, but no indications were found for these factors in Central-East European democracies where membership of government is mainly the result of electoral gains and losses.

  • 65.
    Eckerberg, Katarina
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Vad kan ett naturvetenskaplig perspektiv bidra med i studiet av miljöpolitik?: Om samarbete och konkurrens i miljöforskningen2010In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 112, no 5, p. 269-279Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 66.
    Eckerberg, Katarina
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Buizer, Marleen
    Land Use Planning Group, Wageningen University, The Netherlands.
    Promises and dilemmas in forest fire management decision-making: exploring conditions for community engagement in Australia and Sweden2017In: Forest Policy and Economics, ISSN 1389-9341, E-ISSN 1872-7050, Vol. 80, p. 133-140Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Prescribed burning, to prevent larger fires or to encourage ecological restoration, is a highly contested practice, raising both complex practical questions relating to safety and techniques, and deep philosophical questions about the relationship between people and nature. Previous research either analyses conflict in forest fire management, or argues for social learning but does not discuss how this might happen. We explore what community engagement in fire management might contribute, and how policy conditions enable or constrain deliberative practices in fire management in two very different countries, Sweden and Australia. In Sweden, burning is gradually emerging on foresters' and nature conservationists' agendas, whereas in Australia, prescribed burning has been practiced and debated on a relatively broad scale for some time. Both countries rely much on technical expertise, while merging this with local knowledge in transformative processes in which conflicts and difference have a place could enhance the quality of the debates.

  • 67.
    Edblad, Jeanette
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Political Economy of Regional Integration in Developing Countries1996Report (Other academic)
  • 68.
    Edlund, Jonas
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Lindh, Arvid
    The ISSP 2016 Role of Government Module: Content, Coverage, and History2019In: International Journal of Sociology, ISSN 0020-7659, E-ISSN 1557-9336, Vol. 49, no 2, p. 99-109Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Role of Government (ROG) module of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) is a unique high-quality data source for comparative research on political attitudes and orientations. This article describes the content, coverage, and history of the ISSP 2016 ROG module, which was fielded in 35 countries. The module has been fielded five times since its inception in 1985, and a majority of the items in the 2016 module are replicated from previous waves to facilitate comparisons over time. In addition, a substantial number of new items are included to cover pertinent issues not previously addressed by the ISSP. Topics include (but are not restricted to) civil liberties; national security and challenges; state intervention in the economy; government taxation, spending, redistribution, and responsibilities; political trust and efficacy; corruption and institutional trust; and government responsiveness. This new wave of the module gauges political opinion at a moment in history characterized by substantial political turmoil and change in many countries. At the same time, this fifth wave strengthens the analytical capacity of the module for charting longitudinal developments both within and across countries. Overall, this makes the ISSP ROG module an attractive platform for asking new questions that can further the mutual development of theory and empirical analysis in comparative research.

  • 69.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Valdez, Sarah
    Institute for Analytical Sociology, Linköping University.
    From radical right to neo-nationalist2019In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, Vol. 18, no 3, p. 379-399Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, we investigate the ideology of the populist radical right (PRR) and the extent to which its political message has changed over time. In doing so, we also judge the usefulness of the PRR-tag. Like seminal scholarship on these parties, we contend that both economic and social positions are relevant for contemporary radical right parties. Further, we argue that contemporary parties’ stances are indicative of a nationalist ideology. Using the Manifesto Project Dataset, we investigate radical right policy preferences between 1970 and 2015. Results indicate that right-wing economic stances are more prevalent prior to the twenty-first century and that radical right parties increasingly make economically leftist claims. Results also demonstrate that radical right parties are not always the farthest to right in national political spaces. Further, we show that contemporary parties make nationalist claims. Indeed, nationalism not only increasingly characterizes these parties but also increasingly distinguishes them from other major party families, whose average positions over time are globalist. We argue that contemporary radical right parties are better conceptualized and described as neo-nationalist, a label consistent with both their social and economic positions.

  • 70.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Valdez, Sarah
    Department of Management and Engineering, The Institute for Analytical Sociology, IAS.
    The rise of neo-nationalism2019In: Europe at the crossroads: confronting populist, nationalist, and global challenges / [ed] Pieter Bevelander & Ruth Wodak, Nordic Academic Press, 2019, p. 113-134Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Support for Western European radical right parties has increased in recent years, prompting the need for new research on these parties. Especially important are studies that investigate their ideology and how it has changed over time. After describing their recent electoral gains at the national and European levels, we make the case that neo-nationalism—a form of nationalism occurring when nation-state boundaries are settled, but perceived to be under threat—is the underlying ideology of contemporary radical right parties. Analyses of Manifesto Project data show that contemporary parties increasingly make nationalist claims; indeed, the issues most important to these parties are consistent with the notion that the sovereignty and autonomy of modern nation-states are under threat from external forces (Eger & Valdez 2015; 2018). When framing their opposition to globalization, supranational organizations, and multiculturalism, they cite negative economic, sociocultural, and political consequences for the nation-state. Our analyses also show that nationalism not only increasingly characterizes radical right parties, but also distinguishes them from other major party families.

  • 71.
    Eklund, Niklas
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Bruno S Sergi: Misinterpreting Modern Russia: Western Views of Putin and His Presidency (2009)2011In: Scando-Slavica, ISSN 0080-6765, E-ISSN 1600-082X, ISSN 1600-082X, Vol. 57, no 1, p. 119-123Article, book review (Refereed)
  • 72.
    Eklund, Niklas
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sweden and Poland Entering the EU: Comparative Patterns of Adaptive Organization and Cognition2005Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis is a comparative study of how elites in Sweden and Poland approach and make sense of EU membership. It begins with the observation that the public debates in several EU member countries are becoming increasingly politicized around a dichotomy, i.e. enthusiasm and skepticism vis-à-vis European integration. Whereas a lot of research in this field covers the characteristics of the European integration process itself, fewer studies focus upon the cognitive complexity involved in national strategic policy choices. The aim of this thesis is to explore, compare and contrast the organizational and cognitive aspects of how Sweden and Poland entered the EU and thereby to contribute to an understanding of how national policymakers in Europe believe that national and supranational integration can work together. The theoretical point of departure is Stein Rokkan’s model of political integration, which emphasizes the importance of functional and territorial political cleavages in the development of modern European nation states. The model is used to identify political actors and structures that are transnationalizing forces in Europe and to determine in what ways they form a challenge to national governments in the process of adaptation to the EU. Representing different theoretical points of intersection in the Rokkanian model, these challenges are defined as Integration, Trade and Industry, Functional Regionalism and Territorial Regionalism. The empirical analysis builds on these theoretical categories and covers three different areas. First, the ways in which adaptation to the EU was organized by the governments of Sweden (1988-1994) and Poland (1998-2004) are scrutinized. Second, documents concerning the strategic policy deliberation of both organizations are analyzed in the light of Rokkanian integration categories. Third, the results of two sets of research interviews, one in each country, are analyzed. A major conclusion drawn in the study is that Rokkanian integration theory holds the key to an understanding of how national policymakers believe that European integration can be segmented and how supranational integration in the economic sphere can evolve separately from other areas of social and political integration. Although from very different countries and political experiences, elites in Sweden and Poland show remarkable cognitive similarities. Another contribution to a cross-national understanding of adaptation to the EU is the cognitive model, which is developed on the basis of empirical study. The model expands upon and goes beyond the simple dichotomy of Enthusiasts and Skeptics in the discussion about European integration. Two new categories are introduced and defined as Voluntarists and Pragmatists. The argument is that new cognitive categories are necessary to improve the description and analysis of how national policy makers in Europe set up long-term political goals and manage complex issues in the process of European integration.

  • 73.
    Eklund, Niklas
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Elfving, Jörgen
    Ryska privata säkerhetsföretag – "Redwater"?2017In: Kungl Krigsvetenskapsakademiens Handlingar och Tidskrift, ISSN 0023-5369, no 2, p. 133-145Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 74.
    Eklund, Niklas
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Lajus, Julia
    Borovoy, Vassily
    Kalemeneva, Ekaterina
    Lajus, Dmitry
    Stogova, Daria
    Vlakhov, Andrian
    Wråkberg, Urban
    Imageries and historical change in the European Russian Arctic2019In: The politics of Arctic resources: change and continuity in the "Old North" of Northern Europe / [ed] E. Carina H. Keskitalo, Abingdon: Routledge, 2019, 1, p. 200-220Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Chapter 11 widens the Nordic focus of the book with an analysis of Russian policy imageries regarding its northern areas and their change over time. The chapter highlights different roles and conceptions of the North in Russia over time, laying the foundation for comparison and contrast with the Nordic countries. The chapter also highlights the current potential for integrated understandings and an inclusion of considerations amongst actors in the Russian northern areas.

  • 75.
    Elbakidze, M
    et al.
    Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences.
    Angelstam, PK
    Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences.
    Sandström, Camilla
    Umeå University.
    Axelsson, R
    Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences.
    Multi-stakeholder collaboration in Russian and Swedish model forest initiatives: adaptive governance toward sustainable forest management?2010In: Ecology & society, ISSN 1708-3087, E-ISSN 1708-3087, Vol. 15, no 2, article id 14Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Building the adaptive capacity of interlinked social and ecological systems is assumed to improve implementation of sustainable forest management (SFM) policies. One mechanism is collaborative learning by continuous evaluation, communication, and transdisciplinary knowledge production. The Model Forest (MF) concept, developed in Canada, is intended to encourage all dimensions of sustainable development through collaboration among stakeholders of forest resources in a geographical area. Because the MF approach encompasses both social and ecological systems, it can be seen as a process aimed at improving adaptive capacity to deal with uncertainty and change. We analyzed multi-stakeholder approaches used in four MF initiatives representing social–ecological systems with different governance legacies and economic histories in the northwest of the Russian Federation (Komi MF and Pskov MF) and in Sweden (Vilhelmina MF and the Foundation Säfsen Forests in the Bergslagen region). To describe the motivations behind development of the initiative and the governance systems, we used qualitative open-ended interviews and analyzed reports and official documents. The initial driving forces for establishing new local governance arrangements were different in all four cases. All MFs were characterized by multi-level and multi-sector collaboration. However, the distribution of power among stakeholders ranged from clearly top down in the Russian Federation to largely bottom up in Sweden. All MF initiatives shared three main challenges: (a) to develop governance arrangements that include representative actors and stakeholders, (b) to combine top-down and bottom-up approaches to governance, and (c) to coordinate different sectors’ modes of landscape governance. We conclude that, in principle, the MF concept is a promising approach to multi-stakeholder collaboration. However, to understand the local and regional dimensions of sustainability, and the level of adaptability of such multi-stakeholder collaboration initiatives, empirical studies of outcomes are needed. To assess the adaptive capacity, the states and trends of economic, ecological, social, and cultural dimensions in actual landscapes need to be linked to how the multi-stakeholder collaboration develops and performs over the long term.

  • 76.
    Eliasson, Kristoffer
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Arctic strategies of sub-national regions: Why and how sub-national regions of Northern Finland and Sweden mobilize as Arctic stakeholders2015Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The stakes are high in the Arctic region in terms of economic opportunities, environmental challenges and political interests, not least considering the fact that stakeholders include the most powerful nations in the world. This study departs from the notion that sub-national levels of government, in areas most affected by developments in the Arctic; risk being put in the background in favor of high-level and high-tension politics. Using theories on paradiplomacy and marginality, this study makes a comparative analysis of why and how northern sub-national regions in two non-littoral Arctic states mobilize in the context. 

  • 77.
    Engberg, Jan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Folkrörelserna i välfärdssamhället1986Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Swedish voluntary associations, folkrörelser have been honoredwith a gilt-edged history, a chronicle in need of criticalnuance. Those mass movements which at the time of thebreakthrough of democracy and the welfare society were bearers ofcivic ideals and visions have changed in character and metcompetition from other organizations. Over the years theorganizational sphere as well as its enviroment have evolved intosomething of a completely different nature.The purpose of this study is to reconstruct the communityfunctions of voluntary associations; and to identify theconditions under which voluntary associations are able to promotedifferent political cultures.The analyses prove that voluntary associations in the welfaresociety occupy community functions located between the extremesof a service and a pressure function. Extrapolated to themacro-level they are on the way to a privatist and pluralistsociety, respectively. Few, if any, organizations maintain forcesthat point in the direction of a civil or state society.Organizations push society onto a path leading towards pluralismand individualism, but what does this imply for the developmentof the whole social formation? A variety of forces maycounterbalance the aspirations of voluntary associations. In thewelfare society key emphasis must be placed on what happens whenorganizations meet the challenge imposed by the volumnious growthof the public sector.The capacity of organizations to change the enviroment isdependent on the scale and thoroughness of public intervention:the more extensive government interventionism, the harder it isfor organizations to leave their imprint on the making of apolitical culture. If, however, the integration of the economic,social, and political arenas was to disintegrate or the arenaswere to become softer in their contours, organization potentialswould grow stronger. Voluntary associations are more reactivethan active in political conditions characterized by integratedarenas and government interventionism; reducing publicintervention is a prerequisite for organizations to be able toreshape the political culture.

  • 78.
    Eriksson, Katarina
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Norrlänningarna och flernivådemokratin2009In: Kan norra Sverige regionaliseras?: beslutsprocesser och medborgarperspektiv / [ed] Anders Lidström, 2009, 2000, p. 65-80Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 79.
    Eriksson, Katarina
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Regionaliseringsprocessen i norra Sverige2009In: Kan norra Sverige regionaliseras?: Beslutsprocesser och medborgarperspektiv / [ed] Anders Lidström, Umeå: Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Umeå universitet , 2009, p. 9-50Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 80.
    Eriksson, Katarina
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Spelar adressen någon roll?: En studie av områdeseffekter på medborgares politiska deltagande2007Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to describe and explain (individual level) public political participation, with particular focus on the significance of the local, geographical context. Studies of political participation have traditionally focused on individual level explanations. Here, however, the question of the significance of place, is also raised i.e. does place have an effect on the probability of the individual to take political action? Such causal relationships are known as contextual (or neighbourhood) effects. These occur when contextual factors affect individual behaviour so that it varies systematically between different contexts, even after controlling for individual level predictors. Although empirical research has been lacking, there is a widespread assumption that place of residence can have both positive and negative effects on outcomes at the level of the individual. This is the case especially with regard to urban residential segregation, which is believed to cause self-generating, negative effects on the political engagement of citizens. My line of argument is that contextual effects cannot be taken for granted; rather they must be tested empirically in a systematic way, using individual level data and appropriate techniques.

    Political participation is operationalised in terms of: voting in local elections, contacting local officials, and participating in manifestations. The local, geographical context is operationalised in two ways; as Swedish municipalities and as city districts. The latter is done using case studies of two Swedish cities; Umeå, a medium-sized town with moderate socioeconomic segregation, and Göteborg, a large city with extensive polarisation. Survey data is used and analysed by means of multilevel analysis, a technique developed especially for hierarchical data and contextual analysis of individual level outcomes.

    The results do not provide strong support for the hypothesis of contextual effects on public political participation. There are, in several cases, strong, bivariate relationships between socioeconomic composition and political participation at the aggregate level. However, this is not confirmed in analyses of individual level data. The variation between individuals residing in different places is significant in only one case; when the context is operationalised as municipalities and the dependent variable is participation in manifestations. This variation cannot, however, be explained neither by individual level SES/political engagement nor by socioeconomic composition at the municipal level. An analysis of crosslevel interactions shows that employed persons residing in affluent districts of Göteborg have a higher probability to vote and to participate in contacting than employed persons living in poor neighbourhoods. Similarly, individuals with an immigrant background living in affluent districts in Göteborg are more likely to vote than those living in poor areas. These results give some support for the hypothesis of contextual effects on political participation. However, as the number of observations in this particular analysis is very small, the results are not robust and, consequently, must be interpreted with caution.

    In order to identify relevant individual level predictors, the SES and CV-models are applied. The results indicate that socioeconomic variables such as employment status and education are important predictors of voting. However, when it comes to contacting officials and participating in manifestations, socio-political resources such as political engagement and organisational membership are better as predictors of political participation.

  • 81.
    Eriksson, Max
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Attitude stability in a changing carnivore context: The foundations of attitudes towards the Swedish wolf policy2013In: Natural resources and regional development theory / [ed] Linda Lundmark, Camilla Sandström, Umeå: Institutionen för geografi och ekonomisk historia, Umeå universitet , 2013, p. 98-123Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 82.
    Eriksson, Max
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Political alienation, rurality and the symbolic role of Swedish wolf policy2017In: Society & Natural Resources, ISSN 0894-1920, E-ISSN 1521-0723, Vol. 30, no 11, p. 1374-1388Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Attitudes towards wolf policy are likely to be driven by perceived differences in political power between urban and rural groups. Using Swedish survey data collected in 2014 and structural equation modeling, I evaluated the effects of political alienation. Political alienation mediated the effect of having an urban or rural place of residence on attitudes towards wolf policy. Politically alienated individuals also preferred more extreme policy options than other respondents, while being less likely to approve of the current wolf policy in Sweden. These findings suggest that political alienation drives attitude polarization in wolf related social conflicts. Awareness of these underlying power asymmetries could possibly increase both policy legitimacy and management efficiency. This highlights the importance of accounting for social context in relation to policy-making and conservation efforts related to wolves.

  • 83.
    Eriksson, Max
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Umeå University.
    Rurality and Collective Attitude Effects on Wolf Policy2016In: Sustainability, ISSN 2071-1050, E-ISSN 2071-1050, Vol. 8, no 8, article id 711Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Debates over wolf policy are driven by an underlying attitudinal divide between peoplefrom urban and rural areas. This study explores how the power relationship between urban and ruralgroups interact with individual attitude formation in relation to wolf policy, in order to understandwhy dissatisfaction with wolf policy tends to result in group level conflict patterns. Using Swedishsurvey data, I analyze attitudes to wolf policy, in relation to collective level effects and rural politicalalienation. Findings indicate that individual level attitudes towards the Swedish wolf policy are inpart determined by collective attitude patterns: effects that could be contingent on political alienation.This highlights the possibility of reducing attitude polarization with respect to the wolf policy,by addressing political alienation among the rural population.

  • 84.
    Eriksson, Olov
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sverige och Art- och Habitatdirektivet - i samförstånd eller avvikande: En studie om reglerande dokuments roll i implementeringsprocessen2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Within the political science literature that deals with the implementation process a central part has long been what is sometimes called the implementation deficit. This means that the effect of a policy decision doesn´t turn out as it was originally intended. The often used explanation is that the policy decisions moves through many levels during its implementation where different actors can change or alter the decision in various degrees. This phenomenon has gradually become more and more attended within the legislative process in the European Union and has been addressed in numerous studies. The purpose of this paper is to examine the implementation of The Habitats Directive, as its embodied in regulatory documents, in the Swedish multi-level system. To concretize this purpose, I´ve used two research questions; [1] How well has The Habitats Directive been implemented in the regulatory documents? and [2] Which deviations from the Directive are there? To answer these questions I conduct an analysis of ideas of the regulatory documents that constitute the written implementation of the Directive. I compare the degree of consensus in the multi-level system based on two dimensions of the Directive, the Conservation dimension and the Habitats/Species dimension.

    The result shows that the agreement between the EU Directive and the implementation of the Authority level is probably greater than that on the Parliamentary level . This contradicts the theory that the implementation of the multilevel system creates a cumulative implementation deficit and the result can be a contribution to further understanding and interpreting the practical implementation of the Directive.

  • 85.
    Ersson, Svante
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Lane, Jan-Erik
    Political culture2008In: Comparative politics, Oxford: Oxford University Press , 2008, p. 419-444Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 86.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Divided Interests: Multi-level Parties and the Politics of Territorial Reform in Sweden2016In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 39, no 1, p. 95-114Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In the beginning of 2007, the Committee on Public Sector Responsibilities (CPSR) presented its final report on the future organization of the intermediate level of government in Sweden. The CPSR, which consisted of representatives from all parties in parliament, recommended replacing the existing structure of 20 county councils with six to nine regional municipalities. The committee's proposal is paradoxical in light of the resistance to regions that exists within the country's two largest parties: the Social Democrats and the Moderates. The purpose of this article is to describe and explain the CPSR's unanimous proposal to establish regional municipalities despite this resistance. How was it possible to achieve a unanimous proposal? In order to explain this paradox, I use the multi-level party' theoretical approach. The empirical study, consisting of a qualitative case study of the actions of the Moderates and the Social Democrats on territorial policy, supports this theoretical construct. It is evident from the empirical record that groups within the parties had different views about territorial policy. Within the CPSR, the advocates for regions took control, which made a unanimous proposal possible. The research findings improve our understanding of party organization in a polity characterized by multilevel governance. When the central level delegates more power and responsibility to subnational levels, the balance of power within parties changes. New regional and local elites arise, which makes it possible for a single party to communicate different messages on territorial policy depending on which group is in charge within a particular arena.

  • 87.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    En pluralistisk maktordning?: om pensionärsorganisationernas politiska inflytande2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In 1991, the Swedish Social Democratic government established the Pensioners’ Council at the Ministry of Social Affairs. The Council’s purpose and structure were spelled out by the Government in a Commission of Inquiry Directive. According to this, the Council is to be a forum for deliberations between the Government and pensioners’ organizations. At the municipal level, Senior Citizens Councils have existed since the 1970s. They fill a similar purpose to that of the Pensioners’ Council at the central level, namely to be an arena for political discussions between representatives from pensioners’ organizations and the municipality.

    The purpose of this dissertation is two-fold. First, I describe the influence of pensioners’ organizations on the establishment of the pensioners’ councils and their political influence – potential as well as actual – in these councils. Second, I seek to explain the influence of pensioners’ organizations from a power resources perspective. By doing so, I hope to contribute to our knowledge of the relationship between the welfare state and organized interests. Does this relationship imply the existence of a corporatist or pluralistic power structure? Finally, I also hope to contribute to our understanding of the future development of the welfare state in the light of a global economy and aging population.

    The empirical investigation on the central level suggests that pensioners’ organizations influenced the decision to establish the Pensioners’ Council. Moreover, they had actual as well as potential political influence through the council since the early 1990s. There success in influencing government policy is due to the fact that pensioners’ organizations represent an important voting group and their employees have expert knowledge. At the local level, the empirical investigation suggests that pensioners’ organizations had influence on decisions made by municipalities to establish Senior Citizens Councils. However, opportunities to influence vary at the local level, and pensioners’ organizations actual political influence is limited. This limited influence can be explained as a consequence of pensioners’ organizations lack of an important power resource at the local level – employed expertise.

    It is argued in the dissertation that the empirical results do not suggest an existence of a corporatist power structure in social issues. Rather, they point to a pluralistic power structure – i.e. along side producer organizations, other organizations (such as those for welfare consumers) also have an important power position. This, in turn, limits the ability of politicians to cut welfare spending. The case of pensioners’ organizations therefore suggests that we cannot expect any drastic downsizing of the Swedish welfare state due to factors such as the globalization of the economy. In light of the aging population, the empirical results suggest that politicians will have to seek other solutions to be able to meet the challenge of financing welfare programs targeting the elderly than making drastic cutbacks in those programs.

  • 88.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    En progressiv agenda?: om Sveriges kommuner och landsting och författningspolitiken2010In: Flernivåstyrning: framgångsfaktorer för kommuner, regioner och staten / [ed] Pontus Tallberg & Marie-Louise von Bergmann Winberg, Kristianstad: Region Skåne i samarbete med Stockholms läns landsting (regionplanekontoret), Västra Götalandsregionen & Sveriges Kommuner och Landsting , 2010Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 89.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Multi-level governance as 'post-constitutional' politics: subnational actors and the Swedish constitution2015In: Local Government Studies, ISSN 0300-3930, E-ISSN 1743-9388, Vol. 41, no 2, p. 301-319Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In 2011, an amendment was introduced to the Swedish constitution to provide stronger protection for local self-government. This article seeks to explain this amendment in the light of the development of central-local relations towards multi-level governance (MLG). It explores the adaptation hypothesis, i.e. the developments in MLG are followed by an adjustment in constitutional policy that is influenced by subnational actors, through an empirical study of the most prominent Swedish subnational actor - the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions (SALAR). The research showed that SALAR developed an agenda for the regulation of central-local relations in the constitution. SALAR was able to exert influence with this agenda by participating in the policy-making process prior to the amendment of the constitution. The research findings underscore that even though MLG per se has little to do with constitutional policy, it has consequences for such policy due to the role played by subnational actors.

  • 90.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Subnational government in a multi-level perspective2016In: The Oxford handbook of Swedish politics / [ed] Jon Pierre, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016, p. 383-398Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 91.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Äldrepolitik i valrörelsen2018In: Snabbtänkt: reflektioner från valet 2018 av ledande forskare / [ed] Lars Nord, Marie Grusell, Niklas Bolin & Kajsa Falasca, Sundsvall: DEMICOM, Mittuniversitetet , 2018, p. 75-75Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 92.
    Gezelius, Meg
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Att lära av varandra: Studie- och yrkesvägledning på två vägledningscentra i Sverige och Danmark2012Independent thesis Basic level (professional degree), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 93.
    Guillemot, Agneta
    Umeå University, Faculty of Arts, Historical Studies.
    "I demokratiens Sverige finnes icke jordmån för äventyrligheter"2012In: Människan, arbetet och historien: en vänbok till professor Tom Ericsson / [ed] Anders Brändström & Svante Norrhem, Umeå: Umeå universitet , 2012, p. 29-56Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 94.
    Gustafsson, Gunnel
    et al.
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Lundmark, Kjell
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Centre for Principal Development.
    Politiken på Fidjiöarna är lika viktig som politiken i Västerbotten: Om statsvetenskaperna i Umeå förr, nu och i framtiden2010In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 112, no 5, p. 179-191Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 95.
    Hagberg, Lovisa
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Finding a place for green politics: political space-time, globalisation and new environmental policy concepts2003Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The overarching aim of this dissertation is to rethink green ideas for change in political space-time against the background of globalisation. It is based on two avenues of investigation. First, green ideas are contrasted with the analyses of current changes in political space-time found in the globalisation literature. Second, the kinds of political space-time that emerge in the encounter between two environmental policy concepts and environmental policy practice are studied. The policy concepts are river basin management and critical loads, both of which were launched as solutions to the problems policy-actors perceive in existing constructions of political space-time.

    Although the spatial reconfigurations entailed by processes of globalisation do not necessarily contradict green ideas, the temporalities of green theory and theories of globalisation are less easily reconciled. In terms of place, globalisation may lead to an increased interest in defending places, that is, the engagement with a politics of place. It is suggested that one could distinguish between politics of and politics in place, and that bioregionalism and other green theories concerned with place should strive towards the latter.

    The study of river basin management and critical loads raises important questions regarding the problem of scale in environmental politics. Whereas critical load deals with the problem of difference within a territory by abstraction, river basin management has also involved ideas about the importance of creating a sense of and care for place. Both concepts illustrate the challenge involved in considering the dynamic temporalities of nature in politics. New timeframes for environmental politics appear due to increased emphasis on issues of recovery from environmental change. It is observed that concepts like river basin management may carry very different spatial interpretations, for example, there is a difference in whether the river basin is understood in functional terms or as a container. Moreover, it is noted that different kinds of politics are at play in both cases. This suggests the possibility for greens to politicise political space-time at the margin, that is, in contexts which are not explicitly to do with spatio-temporal change.

    Finally, the study of green theory and theories of globalisation, and river basin management and critical loads, suggest that it is important to consider political space and time together. The possibility of developing a green politics of presence is offered as a potential first step in such an effort.

  • 96.
    Hanberger, Anders
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of applied educational science, Umeå Centre for Evaluation Research (UCER).
    Democratic governance and evaluation2004Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 97.
    Hellström, Johan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Causal complexity and party-based Eurosceptisism: mixed-method approaches to middle-sized data analysisManuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
  • 98.
    Hellström, Johan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Dynamic Interactions: National Political Parties, Voters and European Integration2009Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis consists of an introduction and four self-contained papers, designated I-IV, which extend previous research on national political parties and voters in Western Europe. More specifically, the issues addressed are parties’ positions and voters’ opinions on European integration and their dynamic interactions, i.e. the extent to which parties’ influence voters’ opinions, voters influence parties, and the conditions under which they influence each other. All four papers make contributions to both the content of the research field and methodology (statistical techniques) applied.

    Paper I re-examines and evaluates several hypotheses regarding the way national political parties position themselves with respect to European integration. Based on analysis of panel data on references to Europe in the election manifestos of political parties in 16 West European countries between 1970 and 2003, I present evidence that their stances on European integration have been largely determined by their ideology, here measured by the locations of the parties within party families and their general orientation along the left/right ideological continuum. The results indicate that the influence of ideology has diminished over time and parties have adopted more favourable positions towards the European project, but it is too early to ignore the connection between left/right and pro/anti integration, since many marginal parties are still taking oppositional stances that are strongly related to their ideological commitments.

    In Paper II, I discuss how configurational comparative methods (i.e. Qualitative Comparative Analysis, QCA) and statistical methods can be combined to provide tests for the sufficiency of any given set of combination of causal conditions. The potential utility of the mixed-method approach for analyzing political phenomena is demonstrated by applying it to cross-national data regarding party-based Euroscepti¬cism in Western Europe. The findings show that oppositional stances to European integration are mainly restricted to non-governmental ideological fringe parties on both the left and right. Further, radical left parties with Eurosceptical positions are largely restricted to countries with social democratic (i.e. Nordic) welfare state regimes. The empirical example presented in this paper demonstrates that configurational methods can be successfully combined with related statistical methods.

    Paper III examines and evaluates the link between electorates’ opinions and national political parties’ positions on European integration, i.e. the extent to which political parties lead and/or follow public opinion on this issue. Applying a method for causal modelling to panel data concerning political parties’ positions and voters’ opinions in 15 countries from 1973 to 2003, I find (contrary to previous investigations of this relationship) that there is little empirical support for an electoral connection or reciprocal causation between party positions and electorates’ opinion regarding European integration. Parties have an influence on voter opinions, but they are largely unresponsive to changes in voter opinion.

    In Paper IV, I examine when parties do (and do not) influence voters’ opinions about EU policy issues. According to previous research, whether parties are able to persuade their constituents to adopt their standpoints depends on several conditions: characteristics and preferences of individual voters, intra-party factors, inter-party factors and several factors that affect the salience of EU issues at the domestic level. Applying hierarchical linear models to data concerning voters’ opinions and political parties’ positions in 14 West European countries, I present findings regarding the conditions under which parties are actually able to influence voters’ opinions concerning European integration.

  • 99.
    Hellström, Johan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Mass support and opposition to European integration: Reconsidering the conditional influence of party positions on voter opinionsManuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Citizens and political parties evaluate European integration differently, but not independently.  Support for, or opposition to, European integration is understood to be partly mediated by political parties, as supporters assimilate their opinions with those of the party. The purpose of this paper is to propose and test a model of the effectiveness of party cues, i.e. the degree to which parties influence voters’ opinions about EU policy issues. Whether parties are able to persuade their constituents to adopt their standpoints is assumed to depend on several conditions: the individual characteristics and preferences of voters, intra-party factors, inter-party factors and several factors that determine the salience of EU issues at the domestic level. Appling hierarchical linear models to data concerning voters’ opinions and political parties’ positions in 14 Western European countries, I present findings regarding some conditions under which parties are able to influence voters’ opinions concerning European integration

  • 100.
    Hellström, Johan
    Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Who leads, who follows?: Re-examining the party-electorate linkages on European Integration2008In: Journal of European Public Policy, ISSN 1350-1763, E-ISSN 1466-4429, Vol. 15, no 8, p. 1127-1144Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article re-examines and evaluates the link between electorates' opinions and national political parties' positions on European integration, i.e. the extent to which political parties lead and/or follow public opinion on this issue. Applying a method for causal modelling (Granger causality tests) to panel data concerning political parties' positions and voters' opinions in 15 countries from 1973 to 2003, I find (contrary to previous investigations of this relationship) that there is little empirical support for an electoral connection or reciprocal causation between party positions and electorates' opinion regarding European integration. Parties have an influence on voter opinions, but are at the same time unresponsive to changes in voter opinion.

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