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  • 51.
    Carbin, Maria
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mellan tystnad och tal: Flickor och hedersvåld i svensk offentlig politik2010Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines the contestations around the question of how violence against young women from ethnic minorities was articulated in Swedish public policy debates from 1995-2008. One core question investigated in this study is how the “new” problem of co called honour killings is categorised and understood within gender equality policies against violence and policies of immigrant integration. The thesis explores how different discourses compete and negotiate to make sense of the violence and try to stabilise meaning. Another aim of the thesis concerns the construction of available subject positions for young women, and the potential effects in terms of possibilities and restrictions for subjects to speak politically. The research material consists of parliamentary debates, major government documents, official government inquiries into integration and gender equality, as well as documents from the Swedish Integration Board and the County Administrative Boards. The analysis draws upon discourse theory and feminist postcolonial theory to explore what positions are made available to young women in policy discourses. Four competing discourses are identified: a multicultural discourse, a discourse of value-clashes, a discourse of structural discrimination and finally a gender power-discourse. However, in policies against honour related violence the violence is primarily understood as originating in a cultural and value-based heritage of certain immigrant communities. This study furthermore illustrates how girls are required to speak and make testimonies on their situation. The ways the stories of the girls are used make them into boundary markers between Swedish and non-Swedish. It is argued that letting the girls speak and listen to them might make it possible to understand some of the potential problems they face. Nevertheless, it might not form an agenda for changing the bigger political picture.

  • 52.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för tillämpad utbildningsvetenskap, Centrum för utvärderingsforskning (UCER).
    Citizens governing schools: Customers, partners, right-holders2015Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Research questions, objectives and theoretical framework

    Throughout Europe, evaluation has expanded radically at all levels of school governance as part of the broad doctrine of New Public Management including marketization, decentralization and performance management. There is a growing accountability pressure derived from globalisation of education governance resulting in evaluation systems (Leeuw and Furubo 2008) of monitoring, inspection and oversight, and benchmarking to measure performance and assess students and teachers. Sweden and other countries’ education systems increasingly rely on evaluations of different kinds as ways to control and enhance quality and performance in education and schooling but also to support competition and school choice (Merki 2011; Pollitt and Bouckaert 2011; Dahler-Larsen 2012; Lingard and Sellar 2013; Grek and Lindgren 2014). Despite the recent recentralisation effects of evaluation systems local autonomy is still high. Actors at the municipal and school level have different conditions and varying freedom of choice for local school governance in different education systems. The local context matters in a variety of ways. Local actors can assimilate, adjust or resist state policies of for example marketization and use evaluations in different ways. 

    Evaluation systems put in place assumes that citizens are rational and active choosers using evaluation and accessible performance data for an informed choice  (Musset 2012). But research indicate that parents are primarily concerned with “the atmosphere”, “pedagogical climate”, “safety” and “reputation of the school” (Ehren, Leeuw and Scheerens 2005, p. 71). However, school choice has made parents a more powerful policy actor in local school governance (Blomqvist 2004). But not only school choice contributed to the shift from macro democracy to micro democracy (Möller 1996). So did different forms of voice options for improving participation and influence in citizens daily encounter with welfare services (Jarl 2005; Kristoffersson 2008; Dahlstedt 2009b; Holmgren et al. 2012). During the 1990s the emphasis on active citizenship and collaboration was viewed as a natural part of the democratic mission of the schools. The school should be an arena for dialogue forming an active local citizenship. Progress should be achieved from the bottom-up by those involved promoting the inclusion of parents in a form of partnership with the school (Jarl 2005; Dahlstedt 2009b). This multi-actor model of governance focusing on citizens’ agency reflect what has been called a ‘will to empower’ (Cruikshank 1999), ‘politics of activation’ (Dahlstedt 2009a) or ‘government technologies of agency’ (Dean 2010).

    Parents become a part of local school governance when they make choices, try to influence teachers, school-principals, schools administrators or local school boards. And their need of evaluation for this influence differs. Parents perceived as customers need easily accessible performance data to support informed school choice whereas parents acting as active and responsible citizens largely need the same evaluation knowledge as other policy actors. How local authorities, local school providers and schools govern their education and schooling through different forms of evaluation therefore shapes conceptions of citizenship. Studies on local policy, i.e. schools and school providers’ strategies and use of evaluation related information is scarce and there is a need for more knowledge on how it shapes citizen roles in different education systems. In this paper I therefore begin by exploring what ways are provided for parents as citizens, to influence, change and affect education in Sweden. I then turn to answer what evaluation related information is given on school and school provider websites to analyse what citizenship ideals are promoted using the categorisation developed from the channels for influence. I finish with discussing these forms of citizen power in education in relation to the more everyday encounter with teachers and school staff by drawing on previous research and interviews with parents and teachers.  

    Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used

    The material consists of government documents, reports, laws and regulation to explore the formal ways for parents to influence education. To explore what citizenship ideals are promoted in local school governance, I have analyzed four municipals websites and 8 school websites in these municipalities. The municipalities, all of which have populations of 75 000 – 100 000 have been selected strategically to reflect different contextual factors such as political majority, school performance, and share of independent schools. These have been anonymized and is referred to as “North”, “East”, “South” and “West”. The eight schools, two from each municipal, were also selected strategically on factors such as private or public provider, performance and socio-economic composition. By drawing on Hirschmans (Hirschman 1970) theory of exit and voice and Dahlberg and Vedungs (2001) categorisations of arguments for increased user orientation I categorize three different citizenship ideals when exploring formal ways for citizens to act and influence education in line with a politics of activation. These citizenship ideals functions as ideal types when analysing the websites and the evaluation and governance related information provided to (potential) users.

    To discuss citizen power in education and problematize how it relates to promoted citizenship ideals I draw on previous studies and research as well as interviews with parents and teachers at the schools. The interviews were conducted within the larger research project “Consequences of evaluation for school practice: steering, accountability and school development”, financed by the Swedish Research Council.

    Conclusions, expected outcomes or findings

    Preliminary findings show that there are several ways for parents to affect and influence education in Sweden. The school choice reforms have considerably improved the power of parents in local school governance positioning parents as costumers. But user power have also been strengthened through providing different ways to complain and appeal positioning citizens as right-holders. Furthermore users are positioned as partners in influencing education through parent boards. The analysis of the websites shows how municipalities respond differently to state policies and accountability pressures in their use of providing evaluation related information. Municipalities with a right-wing political majority provide extensive benchmarking systems for informed school choice making customer the dominant position. Not surprisingly, the independent schools provide more performance data for marketing than the public schools. However, some of the independent schools also provide information on their collaboration with parents, indicating a position of citizens as partners. The position of citizens as right-holders are strongest on the public schools and public providers’ websites with information on rights and ways to claim them.

    Still parents don’t use evaluation related information as intended. Rather parents use grades, tests and school information more informally directly with teachers and school staff. Teachers report an increased pressure from parents on grades and changes within school, and the threat of exit makes their voice options more viable in individual contacts with staff. At least if other alternatives are present. But there are also indications that collective voice options are not used, instead exit is chosen sometimes in combination with the individual voice option of complaints and appeals. The problem of recruiting parents for collective action in parent boards or associations and the increasing amount of individual problem solving action through appeals and complaints suggest that parents mainly govern schools through individual rather than collective action.

     

    References

    Blomqvist, P. 2004. The choice revolution: Privatization of swedish welfare services in the 1990s. Social Policy & Administration, 38, no. 2: 139-155.

    Cruikshank, B. 1999. The will to empower. Democratic citizens and other subjects.  Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

    Dahlberg, M., and E. Vedung 2001. Demokrati och brukarutvärdering.  Lund: Studentlitteratur.

    Dahler-Larsen, P. 2012. The evaluation society.  Stanford: Stanford University Press.

    Dahlstedt, M. 2009a. Aktiveringens politik. Demokrati och medborgarskap för ett nytt millenium.  Malmö: Liber.

    Dahlstedt, M. 2009b. Governing by partnerships: Dilemmas in swedish education policy at the turn of the millennium. Journal of Education Policy, 24, no. 6: 787-801.

    Dean, M. 2010. Governmentality. Power and rule in modern society.  Thousand Oaks: SAGE.

    Ehren, M. C. M., F. L. Leeuw, and J. Scheerens 2005. On the impact of the dutch educational supervision act: Analyzing assumptions concerning the inspection of primary education. American Journal of Evaluation, 26, no. 1: 60-76.

    Grek, S., and J. Lindgren Eds. 2014. Governing by inspection. London: Routledge.

    Hirschman, A. O. 1970. Exit, voice and loyalty. Responses to decline in firms, organizations and states.  Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

    Holmgren, M., O. Johansson, E. Nihlfors, and P. Skott 2012. Local school governance in sweden. Boards, parents and democracy. Journal of School Public Relations, 33, no. 1: 8-28.

    Jarl, M. 2005. Making user-boards a school in democracy? Studying swedish local governments. Scandinavian Political Studies, 28, no. 3: 277-294.

    Kristoffersson, M. 2008. Lokala styrelser med föräldramajoritet i grundskolan. Umeå universitet.

    Leeuw, F. L., and J.-E. Furubo 2008. Evaluation systems: What are they and why study them? Evaluation, 14, no. 2: 157-169.

    Lingard, B., and S. Sellar 2013. 'Catalyst data'. Perverse systemic effects of audit and accountability in australian schooling. Journal of Education Policy, 28, no. 5: 634-656.

    Merki, K. M. 2011. Special issue: Accountability systems and their effects on school processes and student learning. Studies in Educational Evaluation, 37, no. 4: 177-179.

    Musset, P. 2012. School choice and equity: Current poliices in oecd countries and a literature review. OECD Education Working Papers, , no. 66.

    Möller, T. 1996. Brukare och klienter i välfärdsstaten. Om missnöje och påverkansmöjligheter inom barn- och äldreomsorg.  Stockholm: Publica (Norstedts Juridik).

    Pollitt, C., and G. Bouckaert 2011. Public management reform. A comparative analysis: New public management, governance and the neo-weberian state.  New York: Oxford University Press.

  • 53.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Governing free choice in Swedish upper secondary education2012Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
  • 54.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för tillämpad utbildningsvetenskap, Centrum för utvärderingsforskning (UCER).
    Guardians of individual rights?: Media representation of the school Lundsberg vs the Swedish Schools Inspectorate2014Ingår i: The Past, the Present and the Future of Educational Research, 2014Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Research questions, objectives and theoretical framework

    Throughout Europe, governing education is increasingly influenced by different forms of evaluation systems including quality audits, ranking lists, evaluations and school inspection. After trends of decentralization, managerialism and marketization, re-regulation efforts have seen the light to hold education providers accountable, whether public or private (Ozga et al. 2011; Ehren et al. 2013). The politics of comparison and governing by numbers is particularly visible in the media, for example, the media regularly reports on international rankings of pupil results as well as inspection reports and complaints resulting in a complex audit-media relationship (Rönnberg, Lindgren and Segerholm 2013). The re-regulation of a far-reaching decentralized and marketized school system with publicly funded for-profit free schools makes Sweden a unique case with both its egalitarian and social democratic traditions combined with neo-liberal trends. The introduction of the new centralized agency The Swedish Schools Inspectorate (SSI) can be viewed in the light of increased emphasis on state control, evaluation and accountability. For the SSI issues of equivalence and the individual right of the student have been stressed. Issues of quality and equivalence has a tendency to be framed as a legal issue (Lindgren et al. 2012). This seems to reflect a process of juridification (Magnussen and Banasiak 2013). However, the sanctions available to the SSI have been limited. Not until the implementation of the reformed school act in 2011 did it have the means to impose fines or mandate to temporarily shut down schools, apart from withdrawing schools permits from free-schools. Studies have shown that an effective sanction available for the SSI, previously, has been media exposure (Rönnberg, Lindgren and Segerholm 2012).

    The interconnectedness of marketization, central stat control, juridification and mediatization can be explored in the case of the school Lundsberg vs the Inspectorate. Lundsberg is one of three free-schools that is allowed to have student fees, unlike other schools. It also receives specific state funding due to it being a boarding school for students with parents living abroad. The school has a long history previous to the introduction of school choice and free-schools in Sweden and is known as a school for a privileged elite. It has a long history of problems with bullying, abuse and initiations. This is what started the Inspectorates inspection in 2011 after a filed complaint. After a long process of inspection, the SSI end the inspection in spring 2013. However, when the school start again the same autumn one of the students were burnt with an iron. The SSI then closed the school and every student was sent home. This was a major media story. Lundsberg, however, appealed and the court ruled in the interest of the school as the actual event took place in the dormitory and not during school activities. The aim is to analyse this case as it is represented in the media with a focus on how student rights are framed and how the Inspectorate and the school is represented. By doing so I hope to facilitate a deeper discussion about juridification and mediatization in the European governance trends of marketization and audit. Theoretically, the analysis draws on literature in the field of the wider audit society (Power 1997; Dahler-Larsen 2012) and school inspection (Clarke 2008; Ozga et al. 2011) as well as literature on mediatization (Levin 2004; Lingard and Rawolle 2004; Strömbäck 2099). Mainly my interest lies in the aspect of governing and how it shapes our views on responsibility and rights, the relationship between individual and state as well as education and politics.

    Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used 

    In studying the media exposure, newspaper articles have been collected through a media storage database using keywords such as the name of the school, the name of the inspection agency, and words such as evaluation, inspection and control. Although media exposure is not confined to the printed press I argue that it will be sufficient for the projects explorative aim as it can give us interesting knowledge about the audit-media relationship in governing as well as juridification processes. Therefore, the empirical material consist mainly of articles in the printed national press. In addition, I have included material from the SSI and the court, in terms of decision reports, press releases and such. The analytic approach is informed by Foucault (1991) and the material have been carefully analysed with regards to a specific set of questions building on a problematizing approach. What is represented as the problem resulting in the shutdown of the school? How is the inspection process represented? How are the different actors involved represented? Who/what gets to speak? Who is made responsible? Whose interest is prioritized?

    Conclusions, expected outcomes or findings

    Preliminary findings show that while the SSI in the media coverage represent itself as the guardian of individual rights the position of the school, is to represent itself as the one guarding students right to continue their education. The media tends to represent SSI as a watchdog and as a legitimate state control when shutting down what is articulated as a traditionally elitist institution such as Lundsberg. On the other hand the SSI is represented as an illegitimate state control that practices collective punishment. Sanctioning the school should not interfere with other students right to their choice of education and school. Despite the court’s ruling in the interest of the school claiming that the shutdown was illegitimate, the SSI can be viewed as having no other choice in the matter. If the SSI had not acted it would likely have created an ‘expectations gap’ (Power 1997) of what the SSI’s mandate is in the public opinion and what it can actually achieve and control. This would limit the legitimacy for the agency and for governing education by inspections. Furthermore, the case shows some aspects of juridification (Magnussen and Banasiak 2013). This, I argue, can be interpreted by the framing of the issues of bullying, abuse and harassment as legal issues, the tendency to frame it as individual events and not structural or cultural, and the ruling of the court in terms of where the incident took place and the legal grounds for the SSI. 

  • 55.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för tillämpad utbildningsvetenskap, Centrum för utvärderingsforskning (UCER).
    Gymnasieskolan i anställningsbarhetens tjänst2016Ingår i: Anställningsbarhet: perspektiv från utbildning och arbetsliv / [ed] Gun Sparrhoff och Andreas Fejes, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2016, 2, s. 59-75Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 56.
    Carlbaum, Sara
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för tillämpad utbildningsvetenskap, Centrum för utvärderingsforskning (UCER).
    Justice through school inspection?: Educational equity in Swedish schools2014Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper explores representations of high expectations for justice and equality in educational outcomes in the neo-liberal educational regime of individualisation, marketization and increased central state control. At the centre of the paper is a study of national school inspection reports and how they construct educational success or failure in relation to teachers’ high/low expectations and socio-political and school-market context and conditions. The paper focuses on constructions of accountability in terms of ‘the politics of blame’ (Thrupp 1998) and the role of social class, gender and race given school achievement in a Swedish educational system that for decades have emphasised universal welfare, justice and equality. However, the marketization of Swedish education since the 1990s, with school choice, competition and independent schools, seems to have pushed back issues of justice and equality.  In this light, increased state control through national school inspection can be seen as part of an audit explosion (Power 1997) where inspection is made the solution to several ‘problems’ in education, for instance, to allocate blame for the perceived school ‘crisis’ of decreasing results and equality. By drawing on the literature of marketization and the wider audit society, the paper explores equality and justice in embedded contexts.

    Methods

    A diverse case selection (Gerring 2007) of five municipalities has been made based on inspections in 2011/2012; geography; and municipal size in order to make sure some independent schools were included. From the five selected municipals, regular inspection reports of secondary municipal schools and secondary independent schools that provides year nine, have been analysed. This has resulted in inspection reports from a total of 127 schools, including 33 independent schools plus five municipal reports. In close readings of the texts focus has been placed on how different schools are represented, in what ways, if any, socio-political and school-market context and conditions is attended to and how different subjects are positioned in relation to articulations of justice, equality and achievement.

     Expected outcomes

    In the paper, I argue that by marginalising and not discussing issues of socio-political context or the impact that competition has on schools, accountability and blame remains individualised, downgrading ideas of equality and justice. Although, the representations and constructions of gender, social class and race are criticised in articulations of low expectations, the effort not to blame students, tend to ignore the structural aspects and resilience of racist and sexist discourse when individual teachers are meant to just raise their expectations. While educational gaps and equality in terms of gender are often discussed, differences in relation to social class are silenced. Social class seems to be racialized as the only legitimate argument for ‘failure’ is positioning the student group as ‘newly arrived immigrants’. This serves to legitimize and uphold the neo-liberal educational order of individualised blame, difference, hierarchy and competition. 

  • 57.
    Coe, Anna-Britt
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Medicinska fakulteten, Institutionen för folkhälsa och klinisk medicin.
    Vandegrift, Darcie
    Youth Politics and Culture in Contemporary Latin America: A Review2015Ingår i: Latin American Politics and Society, ISSN 1531-426X, E-ISSN 1548-2456, Vol. 57, nr 2, s. 132-153Artikel, forskningsöversikt (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Youth politics in contemporary Latin America diverge from those of previous generations. Increasingly decoupled from parties, unions, and the state, young people glide seamlessly across previously assumed boundaries: culture and politics, individual and organization, subjectivity and collectivity, virtual and real. This article presents findings from a systematic review of research on youth politics and demonstrates the new direction through three main categories: repression, incorporation, and exclusion, relationships between state institutions and youth identities; generational, cultural, and digital lenses, the innovative trends for theorizing current patterns of youth politics; and unsettling politics, the fusion and diffusion of youth political dexterity. The article concludes by highlighting current strengths and proposing future steps to build on this new direction.

  • 58.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Umeå universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier.
    GenEtica Reproducerii. Politici ale moralităţii şi moralitatea politicilor [The GenEthics of Reproduction. Policies of morality and the morality of policies]2007Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The book comprises three parts: (1) a general presentation and analysis of the main relevant concepts: bioethics, human genetic engineering, eugenics, disability and, particularly, of the relations between these; (2) the analysis of two documents of the Council of Europe (the so called “Bioethics Convention” and its first protocol), and the reconstruction of the debates surrounding their primary concerns: human dignity and rights in relation to the prospect of human genetic engineering; and (3) the analysis of a Romanian draft law on human assisted reproduction and of the Romanian legislative endeavours and debates regarding human genetic engineering.

  • 59.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Faculty of Political Science, National School of Political Studies and Public Administration, Bucharest, Romania / NSPSPA, Bucharest .
    Looking for the meaning of dignity in the bioethics convention and the cloning protocol2005Ingår i: Health Care Analysis, ISSN 1065-3058, E-ISSN 1573-3394, Vol. 13, nr 4, s. 303-313Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper is focused on the analysis of two documents (the Council of Europe's Bioethics Convention and the Additional Cloning Protocol) inasmuch as they refer to the relationship between human dignity and human genetic engineering. After presenting the stipulations of the abovementioned documents, I will review various proposed meanings of human dignity and will try to identify which of these seem to be at the core of their underlying assumptions. Is the concept of dignity proposed in the two documents coherent? Is it morally legitimate? Is it, as some might assume, of Kantian origin? Does it have any philosophical roots?

  • 60.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Department of Philosophy, University of Gothenburg.
    On a Romanian attempt to legislate on medically assisted human reproduction2008Ingår i: Bioethics, ISSN 0269-9702, E-ISSN 1467-8519, Vol. 22, nr 1, s. 56-63Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The paper presents and briefly analyses some of the provisions of a Romanian legislative proposal which arrived at the Presidency for ratification twice, in slightly different forms, and which was rejected twice: the first time at the Presidency in October 2004, and the second at the Constitutional Court in July 2005. The proposal was finally dropped in February 2006. My intention here is to point to some of the most problematic deficiencies of the legislative document in the hope that this may assist with future debates and regulations on assisted reproduction either in Romania or elsewhere. I have isolated the features to be discussed under two headings: (1) whose are the rights to reproduce, that the document claimed to 'acknowledge, regulate and guarantee' and (2) what is the status of the embryo, the child and the surrogate mother?

  • 61.
    Cutas, Daniela
    School of Law, University of Manchester, UK.
    Postmenopausal motherhood: immoral, illegal? A case study2007Ingår i: Bioethics, ISSN 0269-9702, E-ISSN 1467-8519, Vol. 21, nr 8, s. 458-463Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The paper explores the ethics of post-menopausal motherhood by looking at the case of Adriana Iliescu, the oldest woman ever to have given birth (so far). To this end, I will approach the three most common objections brought against the mother and/or against the team of healthcare professionals who made it happen: the age of the mother, the fact that she is single, the appropriateness of her motivation and of that of the medical team.

  • 62.
    Cutas, Daniela
    Umeå universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier.
    Reglementarea reproducerii asistate în România. O analiză critică a legii 217/20032005Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 63.
    Cutas, Daniela
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier.
    Bortolotti, Lisa
    University of Birmingham, Department of Philosophy.
    Natural versus Assisted Reproduction: In Search of Fairness2010Ingår i: Studies in Ethics, Law, and Technology, ISSN 1941-6008, E-ISSN 1941-6008, Vol. 4, nr 1, s. 1-18Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this paper, we are concerned with the ethical implications of the distinction between natural reproduction (via sexual intercourse) and reproduction that requires assistance (either medical or social). We argue that the current practice of enforcing regulations on the latter but not on the former means of reproduction is ethically unjustified. It is not defensible to tolerate parental ignorance or abuse in natural reproduction and subsequently in natural parenting, whilst submitting assisted reproduction and parenting to invasive scrutiny. Our proposal is to guarantee equal (ethical and legal) treatment to people engaging in either form of reproduction or parenting.

  • 64.
    Cutas, Daniela
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier. Department for Health, Ethics and Society, Maastricht University, and The Department of Philosophy, Linguistics and Theory of Science, University of Gothenburg , Sweden.
    Chan, SarahUniversity of Manchester, Institute for Ethics, Science and Innovation.
    Families - Beyond the Nuclear Ideal2012Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This book examines, through a multi-disciplinary lens, the possibilities offered by relationships and family forms that challenge the nuclear family ideal, and some of the arguments that recommend or disqualify these as legitimate units in our societies. That children should be conceived naturally, born to and raised by their two young, heterosexual, married to each other, genetic parents; that this relationship between parents is also the ideal relationship between romantic or sexual partners; and that romance and sexual intimacy ought to be at the core of our closest personal relationships - all these elements converge towards the ideal of the nuclear family. The authors consider a range of relationship and family structures that depart from this ideal: polyamory and polygamy, single and polyparenting, parenting by gay and lesbian couples, as well as families created through current and prospective modes of assisted human reproduction such as surrogate motherhood, donor insemination, and reproductive cloning.

  • 65.
    Cutas, Daniela
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier.
    Munthe, Christian
    University of Gothenburg, Department of Philosophy, Linguistics and Theory of Science.
    Legal imperialism in the regulation of stem cell research and therapy: the problem of extraterritorial jurisdiction2010Ingår i: Contested Cells: Global Perspectives on the Stem Cell Debates / [ed] B. Capps and A. Campbell, Singapore and London: World Scientific and Imperial College Press , 2010Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 66.
    Derlén, Mattias
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Juridiska institutionen.
    Lindholm, Johan
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Juridiska institutionen.
    Naurin, Daniel
    Political Science, PluriCourts, University of Oslo; Department of Political Science and the Centre for European Research (CERGU), University of Gothenburg.
    You’re Gonna Miss Me When I’m Gone!: The Impact of Brexit on Member States’ Contribution to the Case Law of the CJEU2019Ingår i: Europarättslig tidskrift, ISSN 1403-8722, nr 3, s. 381-395Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Brexit is scheduled to happen on October 31, 2019, and researchers have previously studied the impact of Brexit on relationships in the EU’s political institutions. This paper studies how Brexit might affect Member States’ interactions with the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and, more specifically, when they seek to influence the Court by submitting observations. The Untied Kingdom has consistently been a comparatively active Member State, submitting many observations. The paper introduces and employs a novel approach, studying what we call "mentions" in CJEU decisions, to measure position similarity in Member States' observations and to identify the UK's "allies" before the CJEU. The paper concludes the loss of the UK will be felt in particular in Germany, the Netherlands, Ireland and in the Nordic countries. 

  • 67.
    Dolezal, Martin
    et al.
    Department of Government, University of Vienna.
    Hellström, Johan
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The radical right as drivning force in the electoral arena?2016Ingår i: Politicising Europe: integration and mass politics / [ed] Swen Hutter, Edgar Grande, Hanspeter Kriesi, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016, s. 156-180Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 68. Dressel, Sabrina
    et al.
    Ericsson, Göran
    Sandström, Camilla
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mapping social-ecological systems to understand the challenges underlying wildlife management2018Ingår i: Environmental Science and Policy, ISSN 1462-9011, E-ISSN 1873-6416, Vol. 84, s. 105-112Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    A holistic understanding of the complex interactions between humans, wildlife, and habitats is essential for the design of sustainable wildlife policies. This challenging task requires innovative and interdisciplinary research approaches. Using the newly implemented ecosystem-based management of moose (Alces alces) in Sweden as a case, we applied Ostrom’s social-ecological system (SES) framework to analyse the challenges that wildlife management faces throughout the country. We combined data derived from natural and social science research to operationalize the framework in a quantitative way; an approach that enabled a spatially explicit analysis on the national and regional levels. This study aimed to discover patterns in the social-ecological context of Swedish moose management. Identifying these patterns can provide input for an in-depth evaluation of the institutional fit of the current system and subsequently for national policy development. Our SES maps suggest that there are spatial variations in factors challenging moose management. In some areas, ecological aspects such as the co-occurrence of carnivores and other ungulate species burdens future management, while in other regions challenges are shaped by governance aspects, e.g. diverse property rights. These findings demonstrate that the new management system must apply adaptive learning principles to respond to local context attributes in order to be successful. Our innovative approach provides a valuable tool for the assessment of other natural resource management issues and the avoidance of panacea traps, especially when repeated over time.

  • 69.
    Duit, Andreas
    et al.
    Stockholm Resilience Centre, Stockholm University, Sweden.
    Galaz, Victor
    Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, Sweden.
    Eckerberg, Katarina
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Ebbesson, Jonas
    Faculty of Law, Stockholm University, Sweden.
    Governance, complexity, and resilience2010Ingår i: Global Environmental Change, ISSN 0959-3780, E-ISSN 1872-9495, Vol. 20, nr 3, s. 363-368Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This special issue brings together prominent scholars to explore novel multilevel governance challenges posed by the behavior of dynamic and complex social-ecological systems. Here we expand and investigate the emerging notion of “resilience” as a perspective for understanding how societies can cope with, and develop from, disturbances and change. As the contributions to the special issue illustrate, resilience thinking in its current form contains substantial normative and conceptual difficulties for the analysis of social systems. However, a resilience approach to governance issues also shows a great deal of promise as it enables a more refined understanding of the dynamics of rapid, interlinked and multiscale change. This potential should not be underestimated as institutions and decision-makers try to deal with converging trends of global interconnectedness and increasing pressure on social-ecological systems.

  • 70.
    Döring, Holger
    et al.
    University of Bremen.
    Hellström, Johan
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Who Gets into Government?: Coalition Formation in European Democracies2013Ingår i: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 36, nr 4, s. 683-703Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates different dynamics in government formation in 16 Western and 10 Central-Eastern European democracies during the post-war period. The study provides the first systematic comparison of determinants of participation in government in the East and the West. Applying mixed effects logit regression models while taking into account missing values in the dataset, the results demonstrate substantial differences between the two regions and show that most of the existing findings about participation in government are driven by Western democracies. Policy-based factors are relevant in Western countries, but no indications were found for these factors in Central-East European democracies where membership of government is mainly the result of electoral gains and losses.

  • 71.
    Eckerberg, Katarina
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Vad kan ett naturvetenskaplig perspektiv bidra med i studiet av miljöpolitik?: Om samarbete och konkurrens i miljöforskningen2010Ingår i: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 112, nr 5, s. 269-279Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 72.
    Eckerberg, Katarina
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Buizer, Marleen
    Land Use Planning Group, Wageningen University, The Netherlands.
    Promises and dilemmas in forest fire management decision-making: exploring conditions for community engagement in Australia and Sweden2017Ingår i: Forest Policy and Economics, ISSN 1389-9341, E-ISSN 1872-7050, Vol. 80, s. 133-140Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Prescribed burning, to prevent larger fires or to encourage ecological restoration, is a highly contested practice, raising both complex practical questions relating to safety and techniques, and deep philosophical questions about the relationship between people and nature. Previous research either analyses conflict in forest fire management, or argues for social learning but does not discuss how this might happen. We explore what community engagement in fire management might contribute, and how policy conditions enable or constrain deliberative practices in fire management in two very different countries, Sweden and Australia. In Sweden, burning is gradually emerging on foresters' and nature conservationists' agendas, whereas in Australia, prescribed burning has been practiced and debated on a relatively broad scale for some time. Both countries rely much on technical expertise, while merging this with local knowledge in transformative processes in which conflicts and difference have a place could enhance the quality of the debates.

  • 73.
    Edblad, Jeanette
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskaplig fakultet, Statsvetenskap.
    The Political Economy of Regional Integration in Developing Countries1996Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 74.
    Edlund, Jonas
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Sociologiska institutionen.
    Lindh, Arvid
    The ISSP 2016 Role of Government Module: Content, Coverage, and History2019Ingår i: International Journal of Sociology, ISSN 0020-7659, E-ISSN 1557-9336, Vol. 49, nr 2, s. 99-109Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The Role of Government (ROG) module of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) is a unique high-quality data source for comparative research on political attitudes and orientations. This article describes the content, coverage, and history of the ISSP 2016 ROG module, which was fielded in 35 countries. The module has been fielded five times since its inception in 1985, and a majority of the items in the 2016 module are replicated from previous waves to facilitate comparisons over time. In addition, a substantial number of new items are included to cover pertinent issues not previously addressed by the ISSP. Topics include (but are not restricted to) civil liberties; national security and challenges; state intervention in the economy; government taxation, spending, redistribution, and responsibilities; political trust and efficacy; corruption and institutional trust; and government responsiveness. This new wave of the module gauges political opinion at a moment in history characterized by substantial political turmoil and change in many countries. At the same time, this fifth wave strengthens the analytical capacity of the module for charting longitudinal developments both within and across countries. Overall, this makes the ISSP ROG module an attractive platform for asking new questions that can further the mutual development of theory and empirical analysis in comparative research.

  • 75.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Sociologiska institutionen.
    Valdez, Sarah
    Institute for Analytical Sociology, Linköping University.
    From radical right to neo-nationalist2019Ingår i: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, Vol. 18, nr 3, s. 379-399Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, we investigate the ideology of the populist radical right (PRR) and the extent to which its political message has changed over time. In doing so, we also judge the usefulness of the PRR-tag. Like seminal scholarship on these parties, we contend that both economic and social positions are relevant for contemporary radical right parties. Further, we argue that contemporary parties’ stances are indicative of a nationalist ideology. Using the Manifesto Project Dataset, we investigate radical right policy preferences between 1970 and 2015. Results indicate that right-wing economic stances are more prevalent prior to the twenty-first century and that radical right parties increasingly make economically leftist claims. Results also demonstrate that radical right parties are not always the farthest to right in national political spaces. Further, we show that contemporary parties make nationalist claims. Indeed, nationalism not only increasingly characterizes these parties but also increasingly distinguishes them from other major party families, whose average positions over time are globalist. We argue that contemporary radical right parties are better conceptualized and described as neo-nationalist, a label consistent with both their social and economic positions.

  • 76.
    Eger, Maureen A.
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Sociologiska institutionen.
    Valdez, Sarah
    Department of Management and Engineering, The Institute for Analytical Sociology, IAS.
    The rise of neo-nationalism2019Ingår i: Europe at the crossroads: confronting populist, nationalist, and global challenges / [ed] Pieter Bevelander & Ruth Wodak, Nordic Academic Press, 2019, s. 113-134Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Support for Western European radical right parties has increased in recent years, prompting the need for new research on these parties. Especially important are studies that investigate their ideology and how it has changed over time. After describing their recent electoral gains at the national and European levels, we make the case that neo-nationalism—a form of nationalism occurring when nation-state boundaries are settled, but perceived to be under threat—is the underlying ideology of contemporary radical right parties. Analyses of Manifesto Project data show that contemporary parties increasingly make nationalist claims; indeed, the issues most important to these parties are consistent with the notion that the sovereignty and autonomy of modern nation-states are under threat from external forces (Eger & Valdez 2015; 2018). When framing their opposition to globalization, supranational organizations, and multiculturalism, they cite negative economic, sociocultural, and political consequences for the nation-state. Our analyses also show that nationalism not only increasingly characterizes radical right parties, but also distinguishes them from other major party families.

  • 77.
    Eklund, Niklas
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Bruno S Sergi: Misinterpreting Modern Russia: Western Views of Putin and His Presidency (2009)2011Ingår i: Scando-Slavica, ISSN 0080-6765, E-ISSN 1600-082X, ISSN 1600-082X, Vol. 57, nr 1, s. 119-123Artikel, recension (Refereegranskat)
  • 78.
    Eklund, Niklas
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskaplig fakultet, Statsvetenskap.
    Sweden and Poland Entering the EU: Comparative Patterns of Adaptive Organization and Cognition2005Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis is a comparative study of how elites in Sweden and Poland approach and make sense of EU membership. It begins with the observation that the public debates in several EU member countries are becoming increasingly politicized around a dichotomy, i.e. enthusiasm and skepticism vis-à-vis European integration. Whereas a lot of research in this field covers the characteristics of the European integration process itself, fewer studies focus upon the cognitive complexity involved in national strategic policy choices. The aim of this thesis is to explore, compare and contrast the organizational and cognitive aspects of how Sweden and Poland entered the EU and thereby to contribute to an understanding of how national policymakers in Europe believe that national and supranational integration can work together. The theoretical point of departure is Stein Rokkan’s model of political integration, which emphasizes the importance of functional and territorial political cleavages in the development of modern European nation states. The model is used to identify political actors and structures that are transnationalizing forces in Europe and to determine in what ways they form a challenge to national governments in the process of adaptation to the EU. Representing different theoretical points of intersection in the Rokkanian model, these challenges are defined as Integration, Trade and Industry, Functional Regionalism and Territorial Regionalism. The empirical analysis builds on these theoretical categories and covers three different areas. First, the ways in which adaptation to the EU was organized by the governments of Sweden (1988-1994) and Poland (1998-2004) are scrutinized. Second, documents concerning the strategic policy deliberation of both organizations are analyzed in the light of Rokkanian integration categories. Third, the results of two sets of research interviews, one in each country, are analyzed. A major conclusion drawn in the study is that Rokkanian integration theory holds the key to an understanding of how national policymakers believe that European integration can be segmented and how supranational integration in the economic sphere can evolve separately from other areas of social and political integration. Although from very different countries and political experiences, elites in Sweden and Poland show remarkable cognitive similarities. Another contribution to a cross-national understanding of adaptation to the EU is the cognitive model, which is developed on the basis of empirical study. The model expands upon and goes beyond the simple dichotomy of Enthusiasts and Skeptics in the discussion about European integration. Two new categories are introduced and defined as Voluntarists and Pragmatists. The argument is that new cognitive categories are necessary to improve the description and analysis of how national policy makers in Europe set up long-term political goals and manage complex issues in the process of European integration.

  • 79.
    Eklund, Niklas
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Elfving, Jörgen
    Ryska privata säkerhetsföretag – "Redwater"?2017Ingår i: Kungl Krigsvetenskapsakademiens Handlingar och Tidskrift, ISSN 0023-5369, nr 2, s. 133-145Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 80.
    Eklund, Niklas
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Lajus, Julia
    Borovoy, Vassily
    Kalemeneva, Ekaterina
    Lajus, Dmitry
    Stogova, Daria
    Vlakhov, Andrian
    Wråkberg, Urban
    Imageries and historical change in the European Russian Arctic2019Ingår i: The politics of Arctic resources: change and continuity in the "Old North" of Northern Europe / [ed] E. Carina H. Keskitalo, Abingdon: Routledge, 2019, 1, s. 200-220Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Chapter 11 widens the Nordic focus of the book with an analysis of Russian policy imageries regarding its northern areas and their change over time. The chapter highlights different roles and conceptions of the North in Russia over time, laying the foundation for comparison and contrast with the Nordic countries. The chapter also highlights the current potential for integrated understandings and an inclusion of considerations amongst actors in the Russian northern areas.

  • 81.
    Elbakidze, M
    et al.
    Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences.
    Angelstam, PK
    Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences.
    Sandström, Camilla
    Umeå universitet.
    Axelsson, R
    Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences.
    Multi-stakeholder collaboration in Russian and Swedish model forest initiatives: adaptive governance toward sustainable forest management?2010Ingår i: Ecology & society, ISSN 1708-3087, E-ISSN 1708-3087, Vol. 15, nr 2, artikel-id 14Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Building the adaptive capacity of interlinked social and ecological systems is assumed to improve implementation of sustainable forest management (SFM) policies. One mechanism is collaborative learning by continuous evaluation, communication, and transdisciplinary knowledge production. The Model Forest (MF) concept, developed in Canada, is intended to encourage all dimensions of sustainable development through collaboration among stakeholders of forest resources in a geographical area. Because the MF approach encompasses both social and ecological systems, it can be seen as a process aimed at improving adaptive capacity to deal with uncertainty and change. We analyzed multi-stakeholder approaches used in four MF initiatives representing social–ecological systems with different governance legacies and economic histories in the northwest of the Russian Federation (Komi MF and Pskov MF) and in Sweden (Vilhelmina MF and the Foundation Säfsen Forests in the Bergslagen region). To describe the motivations behind development of the initiative and the governance systems, we used qualitative open-ended interviews and analyzed reports and official documents. The initial driving forces for establishing new local governance arrangements were different in all four cases. All MFs were characterized by multi-level and multi-sector collaboration. However, the distribution of power among stakeholders ranged from clearly top down in the Russian Federation to largely bottom up in Sweden. All MF initiatives shared three main challenges: (a) to develop governance arrangements that include representative actors and stakeholders, (b) to combine top-down and bottom-up approaches to governance, and (c) to coordinate different sectors’ modes of landscape governance. We conclude that, in principle, the MF concept is a promising approach to multi-stakeholder collaboration. However, to understand the local and regional dimensions of sustainability, and the level of adaptability of such multi-stakeholder collaboration initiatives, empirical studies of outcomes are needed. To assess the adaptive capacity, the states and trends of economic, ecological, social, and cultural dimensions in actual landscapes need to be linked to how the multi-stakeholder collaboration develops and performs over the long term.

  • 82.
    Eliasson, Kristoffer
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Arctic strategies of sub-national regions: Why and how sub-national regions of Northern Finland and Sweden mobilize as Arctic stakeholders2015Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The stakes are high in the Arctic region in terms of economic opportunities, environmental challenges and political interests, not least considering the fact that stakeholders include the most powerful nations in the world. This study departs from the notion that sub-national levels of government, in areas most affected by developments in the Arctic; risk being put in the background in favor of high-level and high-tension politics. Using theories on paradiplomacy and marginality, this study makes a comparative analysis of why and how northern sub-national regions in two non-littoral Arctic states mobilize in the context. 

  • 83.
    Engberg, Jan
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Folkrörelserna i välfärdssamhället1986Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Swedish voluntary associations, folkrörelser have been honoredwith a gilt-edged history, a chronicle in need of criticalnuance. Those mass movements which at the time of thebreakthrough of democracy and the welfare society were bearers ofcivic ideals and visions have changed in character and metcompetition from other organizations. Over the years theorganizational sphere as well as its enviroment have evolved intosomething of a completely different nature.The purpose of this study is to reconstruct the communityfunctions of voluntary associations; and to identify theconditions under which voluntary associations are able to promotedifferent political cultures.The analyses prove that voluntary associations in the welfaresociety occupy community functions located between the extremesof a service and a pressure function. Extrapolated to themacro-level they are on the way to a privatist and pluralistsociety, respectively. Few, if any, organizations maintain forcesthat point in the direction of a civil or state society.Organizations push society onto a path leading towards pluralismand individualism, but what does this imply for the developmentof the whole social formation? A variety of forces maycounterbalance the aspirations of voluntary associations. In thewelfare society key emphasis must be placed on what happens whenorganizations meet the challenge imposed by the volumnious growthof the public sector.The capacity of organizations to change the enviroment isdependent on the scale and thoroughness of public intervention:the more extensive government interventionism, the harder it isfor organizations to leave their imprint on the making of apolitical culture. If, however, the integration of the economic,social, and political arenas was to disintegrate or the arenaswere to become softer in their contours, organization potentialswould grow stronger. Voluntary associations are more reactivethan active in political conditions characterized by integratedarenas and government interventionism; reducing publicintervention is a prerequisite for organizations to be able toreshape the political culture.

  • 84.
    Eriksson, Katarina
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskaplig fakultet, Statsvetenskap.
    Norrlänningarna och flernivådemokratin2009Ingår i: Kan norra Sverige regionaliseras?: beslutsprocesser och medborgarperspektiv / [ed] Anders Lidström, 2009, 2000, s. 65-80Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 85.
    Eriksson, Katarina
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskaplig fakultet, Statsvetenskap.
    Regionaliseringsprocessen i norra Sverige2009Ingår i: Kan norra Sverige regionaliseras?: Beslutsprocesser och medborgarperspektiv / [ed] Anders Lidström, Umeå: Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Umeå universitet , 2009, s. 9-50Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 86.
    Eriksson, Katarina
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskaplig fakultet, Statsvetenskap.
    Spelar adressen någon roll?: En studie av områdeseffekter på medborgares politiska deltagande2007Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to describe and explain (individual level) public political participation, with particular focus on the significance of the local, geographical context. Studies of political participation have traditionally focused on individual level explanations. Here, however, the question of the significance of place, is also raised i.e. does place have an effect on the probability of the individual to take political action? Such causal relationships are known as contextual (or neighbourhood) effects. These occur when contextual factors affect individual behaviour so that it varies systematically between different contexts, even after controlling for individual level predictors. Although empirical research has been lacking, there is a widespread assumption that place of residence can have both positive and negative effects on outcomes at the level of the individual. This is the case especially with regard to urban residential segregation, which is believed to cause self-generating, negative effects on the political engagement of citizens. My line of argument is that contextual effects cannot be taken for granted; rather they must be tested empirically in a systematic way, using individual level data and appropriate techniques.

    Political participation is operationalised in terms of: voting in local elections, contacting local officials, and participating in manifestations. The local, geographical context is operationalised in two ways; as Swedish municipalities and as city districts. The latter is done using case studies of two Swedish cities; Umeå, a medium-sized town with moderate socioeconomic segregation, and Göteborg, a large city with extensive polarisation. Survey data is used and analysed by means of multilevel analysis, a technique developed especially for hierarchical data and contextual analysis of individual level outcomes.

    The results do not provide strong support for the hypothesis of contextual effects on public political participation. There are, in several cases, strong, bivariate relationships between socioeconomic composition and political participation at the aggregate level. However, this is not confirmed in analyses of individual level data. The variation between individuals residing in different places is significant in only one case; when the context is operationalised as municipalities and the dependent variable is participation in manifestations. This variation cannot, however, be explained neither by individual level SES/political engagement nor by socioeconomic composition at the municipal level. An analysis of crosslevel interactions shows that employed persons residing in affluent districts of Göteborg have a higher probability to vote and to participate in contacting than employed persons living in poor neighbourhoods. Similarly, individuals with an immigrant background living in affluent districts in Göteborg are more likely to vote than those living in poor areas. These results give some support for the hypothesis of contextual effects on political participation. However, as the number of observations in this particular analysis is very small, the results are not robust and, consequently, must be interpreted with caution.

    In order to identify relevant individual level predictors, the SES and CV-models are applied. The results indicate that socioeconomic variables such as employment status and education are important predictors of voting. However, when it comes to contacting officials and participating in manifestations, socio-political resources such as political engagement and organisational membership are better as predictors of political participation.

  • 87.
    Eriksson, Max
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Attitude stability in a changing carnivore context: The foundations of attitudes towards the Swedish wolf policy2013Ingår i: Natural resources and regional development theory / [ed] Linda Lundmark, Camilla Sandström, Umeå: Institutionen för geografi och ekonomisk historia, Umeå universitet , 2013, s. 98-123Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 88.
    Eriksson, Max
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Political alienation, rurality and the symbolic role of Swedish wolf policy2017Ingår i: Society & Natural Resources, ISSN 0894-1920, E-ISSN 1521-0723, Vol. 30, nr 11, s. 1374-1388Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Attitudes towards wolf policy are likely to be driven by perceived differences in political power between urban and rural groups. Using Swedish survey data collected in 2014 and structural equation modeling, I evaluated the effects of political alienation. Political alienation mediated the effect of having an urban or rural place of residence on attitudes towards wolf policy. Politically alienated individuals also preferred more extreme policy options than other respondents, while being less likely to approve of the current wolf policy in Sweden. These findings suggest that political alienation drives attitude polarization in wolf related social conflicts. Awareness of these underlying power asymmetries could possibly increase both policy legitimacy and management efficiency. This highlights the importance of accounting for social context in relation to policy-making and conservation efforts related to wolves.

  • 89.
    Eriksson, Max
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Umeå University.
    Rurality and Collective Attitude Effects on Wolf Policy2016Ingår i: Sustainability, ISSN 2071-1050, E-ISSN 2071-1050, Vol. 8, nr 8, artikel-id 711Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Debates over wolf policy are driven by an underlying attitudinal divide between peoplefrom urban and rural areas. This study explores how the power relationship between urban and ruralgroups interact with individual attitude formation in relation to wolf policy, in order to understandwhy dissatisfaction with wolf policy tends to result in group level conflict patterns. Using Swedishsurvey data, I analyze attitudes to wolf policy, in relation to collective level effects and rural politicalalienation. Findings indicate that individual level attitudes towards the Swedish wolf policy are inpart determined by collective attitude patterns: effects that could be contingent on political alienation.This highlights the possibility of reducing attitude polarization with respect to the wolf policy,by addressing political alienation among the rural population.

  • 90.
    Eriksson, Olov
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Sverige och Art- och Habitatdirektivet - i samförstånd eller avvikande: En studie om reglerande dokuments roll i implementeringsprocessen2014Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    Within the political science literature that deals with the implementation process a central part has long been what is sometimes called the implementation deficit. This means that the effect of a policy decision doesn´t turn out as it was originally intended. The often used explanation is that the policy decisions moves through many levels during its implementation where different actors can change or alter the decision in various degrees. This phenomenon has gradually become more and more attended within the legislative process in the European Union and has been addressed in numerous studies. The purpose of this paper is to examine the implementation of The Habitats Directive, as its embodied in regulatory documents, in the Swedish multi-level system. To concretize this purpose, I´ve used two research questions; [1] How well has The Habitats Directive been implemented in the regulatory documents? and [2] Which deviations from the Directive are there? To answer these questions I conduct an analysis of ideas of the regulatory documents that constitute the written implementation of the Directive. I compare the degree of consensus in the multi-level system based on two dimensions of the Directive, the Conservation dimension and the Habitats/Species dimension.

    The result shows that the agreement between the EU Directive and the implementation of the Authority level is probably greater than that on the Parliamentary level . This contradicts the theory that the implementation of the multilevel system creates a cumulative implementation deficit and the result can be a contribution to further understanding and interpreting the practical implementation of the Directive.

  • 91.
    Ersson, Svante
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Lane, Jan-Erik
    Political culture2008Ingår i: Comparative politics, Oxford: Oxford University Press , 2008, s. 419-444Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 92.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Divided Interests: Multi-level Parties and the Politics of Territorial Reform in Sweden2016Ingår i: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 39, nr 1, s. 95-114Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In the beginning of 2007, the Committee on Public Sector Responsibilities (CPSR) presented its final report on the future organization of the intermediate level of government in Sweden. The CPSR, which consisted of representatives from all parties in parliament, recommended replacing the existing structure of 20 county councils with six to nine regional municipalities. The committee's proposal is paradoxical in light of the resistance to regions that exists within the country's two largest parties: the Social Democrats and the Moderates. The purpose of this article is to describe and explain the CPSR's unanimous proposal to establish regional municipalities despite this resistance. How was it possible to achieve a unanimous proposal? In order to explain this paradox, I use the multi-level party' theoretical approach. The empirical study, consisting of a qualitative case study of the actions of the Moderates and the Social Democrats on territorial policy, supports this theoretical construct. It is evident from the empirical record that groups within the parties had different views about territorial policy. Within the CPSR, the advocates for regions took control, which made a unanimous proposal possible. The research findings improve our understanding of party organization in a polity characterized by multilevel governance. When the central level delegates more power and responsibility to subnational levels, the balance of power within parties changes. New regional and local elites arise, which makes it possible for a single party to communicate different messages on territorial policy depending on which group is in charge within a particular arena.

  • 93.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskaplig fakultet, Statsvetenskap.
    En pluralistisk maktordning?: om pensionärsorganisationernas politiska inflytande2004Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    In 1991, the Swedish Social Democratic government established the Pensioners’ Council at the Ministry of Social Affairs. The Council’s purpose and structure were spelled out by the Government in a Commission of Inquiry Directive. According to this, the Council is to be a forum for deliberations between the Government and pensioners’ organizations. At the municipal level, Senior Citizens Councils have existed since the 1970s. They fill a similar purpose to that of the Pensioners’ Council at the central level, namely to be an arena for political discussions between representatives from pensioners’ organizations and the municipality.

    The purpose of this dissertation is two-fold. First, I describe the influence of pensioners’ organizations on the establishment of the pensioners’ councils and their political influence – potential as well as actual – in these councils. Second, I seek to explain the influence of pensioners’ organizations from a power resources perspective. By doing so, I hope to contribute to our knowledge of the relationship between the welfare state and organized interests. Does this relationship imply the existence of a corporatist or pluralistic power structure? Finally, I also hope to contribute to our understanding of the future development of the welfare state in the light of a global economy and aging population.

    The empirical investigation on the central level suggests that pensioners’ organizations influenced the decision to establish the Pensioners’ Council. Moreover, they had actual as well as potential political influence through the council since the early 1990s. There success in influencing government policy is due to the fact that pensioners’ organizations represent an important voting group and their employees have expert knowledge. At the local level, the empirical investigation suggests that pensioners’ organizations had influence on decisions made by municipalities to establish Senior Citizens Councils. However, opportunities to influence vary at the local level, and pensioners’ organizations actual political influence is limited. This limited influence can be explained as a consequence of pensioners’ organizations lack of an important power resource at the local level – employed expertise.

    It is argued in the dissertation that the empirical results do not suggest an existence of a corporatist power structure in social issues. Rather, they point to a pluralistic power structure – i.e. along side producer organizations, other organizations (such as those for welfare consumers) also have an important power position. This, in turn, limits the ability of politicians to cut welfare spending. The case of pensioners’ organizations therefore suggests that we cannot expect any drastic downsizing of the Swedish welfare state due to factors such as the globalization of the economy. In light of the aging population, the empirical results suggest that politicians will have to seek other solutions to be able to meet the challenge of financing welfare programs targeting the elderly than making drastic cutbacks in those programs.

  • 94.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    En progressiv agenda?: om Sveriges kommuner och landsting och författningspolitiken2010Ingår i: Flernivåstyrning: framgångsfaktorer för kommuner, regioner och staten / [ed] Pontus Tallberg & Marie-Louise von Bergmann Winberg, Kristianstad: Region Skåne i samarbete med Stockholms läns landsting (regionplanekontoret), Västra Götalandsregionen & Sveriges Kommuner och Landsting , 2010Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 95.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Multi-level governance as 'post-constitutional' politics: subnational actors and the Swedish constitution2015Ingår i: Local Government Studies, ISSN 0300-3930, E-ISSN 1743-9388, Vol. 41, nr 2, s. 301-319Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In 2011, an amendment was introduced to the Swedish constitution to provide stronger protection for local self-government. This article seeks to explain this amendment in the light of the development of central-local relations towards multi-level governance (MLG). It explores the adaptation hypothesis, i.e. the developments in MLG are followed by an adjustment in constitutional policy that is influenced by subnational actors, through an empirical study of the most prominent Swedish subnational actor - the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions (SALAR). The research showed that SALAR developed an agenda for the regulation of central-local relations in the constitution. SALAR was able to exert influence with this agenda by participating in the policy-making process prior to the amendment of the constitution. The research findings underscore that even though MLG per se has little to do with constitutional policy, it has consequences for such policy due to the role played by subnational actors.

  • 96.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Subnational government in a multi-level perspective2016Ingår i: The Oxford handbook of Swedish politics / [ed] Jon Pierre, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016, s. 383-398Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 97.
    Feltenius, David
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Äldrepolitik i valrörelsen2018Ingår i: Snabbtänkt: reflektioner från valet 2018 av ledande forskare / [ed] Lars Nord, Marie Grusell, Niklas Bolin & Kajsa Falasca, Sundsvall: DEMICOM, Mittuniversitetet , 2018, s. 75-75Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 98.
    Gezelius, Meg
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Att lära av varandra: Studie- och yrkesvägledning på två vägledningscentra i Sverige och Danmark2012Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (yrkesexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 99.
    Guillemot, Agneta
    Umeå universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Historiska studier.
    "I demokratiens Sverige finnes icke jordmån för äventyrligheter"2012Ingår i: Människan, arbetet och historien: en vänbok till professor Tom Ericsson / [ed] Anders Brändström & Svante Norrhem, Umeå: Umeå universitet , 2012, s. 29-56Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 100.
    Gustafsson, Gunnel
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Lundmark, Kjell
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Centrum för skolledarutveckling.
    Politiken på Fidjiöarna är lika viktig som politiken i Västerbotten: Om statsvetenskaperna i Umeå förr, nu och i framtiden2010Ingår i: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 112, nr 5, s. 179-191Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
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