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Since the late 1970s, the relationship between the state, the public sector, and the economy has undergone a profound transformation globally toward privatization, commercialization, and market organization. Pronounced marketization of education has occurred even in the Nordic countries, traditionally characterized as having social democratic/universalistic and egalitarian welfare systems, but with considerable national variations. Sweden has caught international attention by introducing unusually far-reaching, state-supported privatization of educational provision and strong incentives for school choice and competition. Central issues addressed include the factors associated with the exceptionally swift and far-reaching market reforms in Sweden, as well as the persistence of the resulting system and its consequences according to current research.

A hasty reform decision, paucity of envisioned alternatives, and the appeal of school choice for an expanding middle-class contributed to the neoliberal turn in Swedish education politics. Generous rules of establishment and possibilities of profit-making attracted big businesses, particularly after the decision in the mid-1990s to fully tax- fund independent “free” schools. Within a 10-year period, substantial proportions of the schools were owned and run by large, profit-making companies and chains. Research has shown that the school choice and privatization reforms, besides providing parents and young people in the urban areas with a vast smorgasbord of schools, have fueled growing educational inequity and segregation since the 1990s. Despite increasing criticism of the design of school choice and profit-making in education from many sides, recently even from conservative–liberal media and politicians, the Swedish “market school system” persists and flourishes.

This paper focuses on the support given by schools to students who are likely to leave Swedish compulsory education without the grades required to enter upper secondary education (USE). The aim is to increase knowledge about career counselors’ and teachers’ strategies and work in lower secondary schools in order to facilitate this critical transition, and to examine factors influencing this support. It takes as its starting point theoretical frameworks stressing the agency of professionals in welfare organizations, and the importance of support during the educational transitions of young people at risk. The paper builds on interviews with 20 teachers and career counselors in six municipalities of varying character. Teachers’ and career counselors’ micro-choices have a major impact on the support provided to students. Their work consists of direct and indirect support, with the former referring to prescribed professional assignments. Indirect support, taking the form of advocacy, relational, and emotional work, is not officially recognized, but appears to be a necessary precondition for the direct support. The transition seems to be at risk of becoming overly fragile unless the support is characterized by sustained collaboration between school actors in compulsory school, and between compulsory and USE levels.

Social-emotional problems occurring early in life can place children at future risk of adverse health, social and economic outcomes. Determinants of social-emotional problems are multi-layered and originate from different contexts surrounding children, though few studies consider them simultaneously. We adopted a holistic approach by using Bronfenbrenner's process-person-context-time model as a structuring device. We aimed to assess what characteristics of families and children from pregnancy, over birth, and up to 3 years of age are associated with social-emotional problems in boys and girls. This study used regional data from the Salut Programme, a universal health promotion programme implemented in Antenatal and Child Health Care, and data from national Swedish registers. The study population included 6033 3-year-olds and their parents during the period 2010–2018. Distinct logistic regression models for boys and girls were used to assess associations between the family social context, parents' lifestyle, parent's mental health, children's birth characteristics, and indicators of proximal processes (the independent variables); and children's social-emotional problems as measured by the parent-completed Ages and Stages Questionnaire: Social-Emotional between 33 and 41 months of age (the outcome). Overall, a less favourable family social context, detrimental lifestyle of the parents during pregnancy, and parents' mental illness from pregnancy onwards were associated with higher odds of social-emotional problems in 3-year-olds. Higher screentime and infrequent shared book-reading were associated with higher odds of social-emotional problems. The multifaceted determinants of children's social-emotional problems imply that many diverse targets for intervention exist. Additionally, this study suggests that Bronfenbrenner's process-person-context-time theoretical framework could be relevant for public health research and policy.