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In this study, we explore how women who are both mothers and entrepreneurs construct their subject position as mothers in the presence of dominant discourses. Based on multiple interviews with 15 participants, our findings indicate that women engage in doing and undoing motherhood. Although undoing one's motherhood is related to negotiating one's position vis-à-vis social norms and expectations, doing motherhood is related to the construction of new discourses. We illustrate how a norm-breaking motherhood discourse emerges through processes of gender abating and coalescing. In this discourse, child-rearing is not a woman's primary responsibility but is shared between the parents, and the public and private spheres—work and family—coalesce. A good mother is constructed as an individual who can pursue her passions and realize her dreams and who focuses on her relationship with her child through her work as an entrepreneur while mastering desirable attitudes and values in life. We also find that entrepreneurship can be a vehicle for escaping normative assumptions about motherhood and crafting one's "project of the self.".

This study explores how women entrepreneurs within a resource-constrained context of Ethiopia utilize spiritual resources and spiritual bricolage in their entrepreneurial endeavours. Drawing on 52 life-story interviews, we find that by engaging in spiritual bricolage, women entrepreneurs reconstruct the meanings of risk, resources, constraints, and legitimacy, thereby maintaining persistence in the face of adversity. We demonstrate that this entrepreneurial reframing operates as a critical connecting mechanism between spiritual bricolage and sustained entrepreneurial motivation. Further, we identify three strategies for engaging with spiritual resources that can either facilitate or hinder entrepreneurial reframing: adventurous sourcing, diligent embedding, and relational anchoring. This study advances the bricolage and entrepreneurial motivation literatures and offers practical insights for supporting women entrepreneurs in economically constrained settings.

In Sweden, a growing number of mothers are starting a new venture when their children are young. This is surprising in a country where the welfare system with its family policies favors employees, not entrepreneurs. Because the Scandinavian welfare systems promote employment over entrepreneurship, we were were curious why so many mothers of young children still choose to launch ventures of their own.

Going into this research, we were expecting that motherhood played a similar motivational role to what we know about women entrepreneurs in other countries. The dominant Anglo-Saxon literature on women’s entrepreneurship asserts that women, particularly those with caregiving responsibilities, engage in entrepreneurship as a fallback option to traditional employment, since entrepreneurship provides more flexibility to combine childcare with work while considering the needs of others. However, our research turned up some surprising findings: Work/life balance was not a deciding factor with the women we surveyed.  Instead, a long parental leave gave them time to think about what they really wanted for their careers, and entrepreneurship became an attractive option.

In this chapter, the authors argue that entrepreneurship education (EE) as currently conceived, does little to eradicate gender inequality – rather, its focus on the individual and its neglect of structural impediments and measures tend to reinforce this inequality. The authors discuss why this happens and suggest ways forward. The authors believe the most positive action would be to employ legislation and public policy to change gendered structures and practices which would lead to changes in gendered norms. However, the relationship between norms and structures is mutual. Structural change can only be achieved if existing norms are questioned and this should be the first step toward changing discriminatory structures. The authors argue that in this context EE must include norm critical education. The authors provide some practical examples related to the context of EE.

This article explores why an increasing number of Swedish mothers are becoming entrepreneurs; this choice appears counterintuitive given the prevailing social welfare system prioritizes the rights of employed women. Using an interpretative stance, we analyzed the life stories of 18 Swedish mothers who created new ventures while caring for young children. The value of the time afforded by parental leave policies was identified as vital to the business creation process. Hence, we argue that time is a critical entrepreneurship-relevant resource; this is illustrated by the positive effect of the Swedish welfare system upon entrepreneurship entry and the timing of this decision.

In this research, we ask why and how some women start or grow a business after initiating divorce, while others will not. Grounded on an in-depth study of 24 women who experienced divorce in a patriarchal society, we develop a framework that identifies two pathways. The first pathway is followed by those women who felt trapped in their marriage and engaged in entrepreneurial activities as part of an overall process of self-discovery and self-development that enabled them to search for and find new sources of meanings, while the second pathway is followed by those women who felt discontent with their marriage, remarried but did not engage in entrepreneurship. Our emergent theoretical framework explains the importance of entrepreneurship to attain eudaimonic well-being following an adversity, thereby expanding the scope of entrepreneurship research.

Using data on all businesses started by mothers of young children in Sweden between 2000 and 2014, we explore which factors are associated with entrepreneurship among mothers. We find that being unemployed or being an immigrant is positively associated with business start-up by mothers; however, our findings show that what matters more is the paternity leave taken by the mothers’ partners. These findings suggest that in institutional contexts such as Sweden, gender inequality is not a persistent feature of most households and that women can make career choices by negotiating with their partners who will make use of the parental benefits offered by the government.