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The chapter explores how digital graphs, maps and trees can reveal things never seen before, but how they may also hide all the manual work that lies behind them. The most basic rationale behind digital humanities is the idea that machines should do most of the dull tasks for us. If all the extracting, counting, matching, and plotting is left to computers, researchers can focus on the intellectual parts of the process, interpreting and presenting the results. In many cases, however, digital tools need assistance to work properly. This kind of manual or semi-automatic work may involve compiling, cleaning and filtering datasets, tagging images, transcribing texts, correcting bad matches, adjusting graphs, and so on. Yet, it is rare to see it mentioned when results are presented. The aim of this chapter is to describe and discuss the role of this invisible (semi-)manual work within digital research.

En stor del av innehållet i 1800-talets tidningar utgjordes av material som klippts från andra tidningar, protokoll, utredningar och andra källor. Genom att undersöka saxens plats på tidningsredaktionerna – och hur klipparbetet skilde sig från arbetet med fjäderpenna respektive anteckningsblock – synliggörs ett nedskrivningssystem som definierade nyhetsvärderingar, reglerade vad som var möjligt att uttrycka och rapportera, och vilka platser tidningsmännen kunde besitta på redaktionerna, i världen och i historien. Med saxen reproducerades vad som meddelats av andra. Denna passiva reproduktion osynliggjorde den som klippte och skapade ett underläge i förhållande till skrivande publicister. Att klipparna inte lämnade några spår efter sig i de texter de klippte har också gjort att deras arbete sällan uppmärksammats i historieskrivningen. För att få syn på dem som arbetade med sax måste man gå till skönlitterära och andra skildringar av vardagens redaktionssysslor. Det underläge som saxen skapade och symboliserade kunde samtidigt användas retoriskt för att manifestera yrkestillhörighet och en strategisk maktlöshet i en tid när pressen upplevdes få allt större makt.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze how members of the Swedish press were represented in different media from the 1870s to the 1930s, how and why the representations were changed, and the way newspaper staff responded to them. The representations of journalists in novels, short stories, movies, press history, press debates, pictures in the funny papers and so on are analyzed as parts of the public image of journalism and journalists. Working journalists tried to control, change and use the representations to present themselves as legitimate and trustworthy. To understand this struggle for control of their public image the concept of role from Erving Goffman's dramaturgical theory of every day life is used. Using concepts from Pierre Bourdieu, journalists with different roles and agendas for the press, are analyzed as actors trying to create a field with cultural capital and rules supporting their own interests. The major argument in this dissertation is that the struggle for change and control of the representations on one hand, and the effort to act according to public expectations on the other, was of great importance for the formation of journalism and the journalistic role. My focus is on the cultural process rather than the professionalization in sociological terms.

Newspapers, novels and movies were arenas where the rules of journalism were negotiated and established. What was appreciated as good work and rewarded with cultural capital in the nineteenth century press, was political and literary essays and polemical articles, where the publicist could express his personal opinion. The ordinary newsworker, however, did not have the chance to write articles like that. The possibility for him to make a 'name' from what he produced was limited. This was gradually changing in the beginning of the twentieth century. The newspapers for the mass audience tried to attract new readers with sensationai news, with headlines and pictures on the front page. The journalists' duty was to deliver news that people wanted to read. This market driven logic was also incorporated in the cultural order of the journalistic field. To deliver big news was a way to get a name, acceptance and cultural capital.

The first collection is the diary of Allan Holmström, a private collector, which documents everyday events from the 1870s to the 19 6 0s. Because Holmström added clippings and notes to his diary throughout his life, the diary became an ongoing project of reconstruction of memories rather than an account of how Holmström first experienced events. The second collection is an archive of newspaper clippings founded in 1917 by the Christian foundation Sigtunastiftelsen. The foundation aimed to collect articles about major issues but was not interested in everyday ephemeral news. Thus, this way of collecting reproduced a hierarchy of texts. The third collection is a series of printed volumes of newspaper clippings edited and published as ”filmbooks” by Erik Lindorm. He believed that his volumes allowed history to ”speak with its own voice”. The clippings and the pages look authentic, with the original columns and spelling retained, but some of the clippings were clearly edited to make the collections – and history – more accessible to modern newspaper readers.

Collections of newspaper clippings provide a record of the past but are themselves historical products. Different collections are part of different traditions and are used in different contexts, which determine what kind of history they store and transmit. An examination of how these collections once constructed the memory of the past can provide a critical perspective on how the archives of today keep a record of the present.

News reporters have been frequent travellers during the latest hundred and fifty years. The aim of this article is to analyse how some wellknown American and Swedish reporters have constructed and represented their identity as travelling reporters in their own writings and how they have been represented by others. The reporters discussed are Henry Stanley, Nellie Bly, Mauritz Rubenson, Ida Bäckmann, Tora Garm, Knut Stubbendorff, and Barbro Alving. These reporters often represented themselves as heroic adventurers; much like explorers, knights and detectives. The reporter stories are seen as parts of the construction of a specific reporter-identity. The formation of the reporter identity can be seen as a dialectic process where representations of the reporter and fictional characters tend to influence and run into each other. One interesting example is the Swedish author and journalist Knut Stubbendorff’s novel Den flygande (1928), about a news reporter in Stockholm; and the autobiographical Ishavsreportaget (1928) about his own adventures as a reporter. The journalistic character in these books, fictional or real, are described and presented in much the same way, as a hero on an endless news hunt with only one direction – to get the big scoop. My point here is that these narratives and representations must be analysed seriously, instead of being rejected as fake images that don’t tell us anything about the real life of working reporters. The stories of the heroic reporters show that the biggest news that these reporters deliver was often the news about their own adventures. Drawing from studies in public science, the self-representations of the reporters can be seen as an important part of what makes media reports legitimate and trustworthy.

Computers and mobile phones are piling up in archives, libraries, and museums. What kind of objects are they, what can they tell us, and how can we approach them? The aim of this chapter is to exemplify what an investigation of a hard drive implicates, the methods needed to conduct it, and what kind of results we can get out of it. To focus the investigation, hard drives are approached as records of everyday media use. The chapter introduces a computer forensic method used as a media ethnographic tool. Computer forensics and media ethnography are rooted in different methodological traditions, but both take an interest in people’s routines and the way they do and organize things. The chapter argues that a hard drive represents a window into the history of new media: into time specific software, formats, and media use.